Coiffure; The Art of Dressing Hair
Coiffure; an Overview
After men’s periwigs came to gain prominence during the 17th Century, women’s fashions followed suit with a distinct increase in the demand for hair styling and thus the demand for coiffeurs. Although the average upper or recently emerged middle class woman would not wear a full wig, though she would often supplement their own locks with additional human hair. Increase in the disposable income of the middle class due to the burgeoning of The British Empire and trade meant that these fashions initiated by the social elite could be replicated to emulate social importance. This fashion then filtered down through the social classes and an explosion of print culture meant that achieving complex coiffures became more accessible to many people. Never before or since have we seen such all-around extravagance in women’s hairstyles.
DEFINITIONS
Coiffure, Coiffeur, Coif, - as defined by OED
Coiffure - n. A style or fashion of attiring the head and dressing the hair; head-dress, usually of women.
Coiffeur - n. The French word for hair-dresser: affected by fashionable or artistic hair-dressers, and their patrons.
Coif - v. To dress, arrange, or make up (the hair). Cf.coiffure n., and paragraph below.To express the ordinary sense of modern French coiffer to dress or arrange the hair or head, various modifications of that word are in use with coiffeurs and their clients, as to coiffe, to coiffé. So coiffed is sometimes used to reproduce French coiffé, in reference to the coiffe of French country-women, etc.
A google Ngram displays the recency of these specific terms, and tracks the rise and fall in status of the coiffure, who was comparatively irrelevant just fifty years after their celebrity.
Male Origins of the Female Coiffure
The origin of 18th Century coiffure fashion is often claimed to be traceable back to when men's wigs came into vogue in 1624. In this year, King Louis XIII of France goes prematurely bald at twenty-three years of age, in order to conceal this and remain a virile strong looking figure; he donned a natural coloured periwig. Many courtiers soon followed his lead and began wearing wigs themselves as a symbol of their allegiance to the monarchy. Their usage had progressed from a method to cover the effects of nature and became a symbol of wealth and vogue, worn by many men, ‘follicly challenged’ or not. The peruke’s popularity was solidified with the reign of Louis XIV who chose to wear a wig throughout his sovereignty and is said to have had ten personal wig makers and stylists (Condra 137). King Charles II too, who had been exiled in France, was a fan of the full, curled style of peruke which may have enforced its popularity throughout the courts of Britain after 1660 when he reclaimed the throne. During his reign, the colonisation provided an influx of wealth to the country through the increased colonisation of India, East India and America, sparking the birth of a new moneyed social class, the bourgeoisie. The man’s ‘peruke’ or ‘periwig’ was popular by around 1670, with the first recorded independent wig-makers guild indicated to have been created in 1673 (137). The item would ideally be made of human hair where it could be afforded and horse-hair when it was not. The colours desired ranged from blonde to black, and naturally coloured hair was preferable over the more vibrantly coloured or white wigs seen later in the 18th century, with powder employed only to create a matte effect on the hair. The wig would be styled in such a way so it fell in long curls over the shoulders in a “full-bottomed” style. At its peak size and popularity, it is said that ten full heads of human hair were required in order to achieve such a voluptuous effect (137). This desire for a thicker looking style of hair was soon adopted by the women of the era, which steadily progresses until the 1760's when the extravagant creations that come to mind when we think of the 18th Century exploded onto the social scene. Whilst the average woman of the social elite would not wear a wig, they would often supplement their own locks with additional hair pieces, adding bulk to their coiffure.
Tools and Tricks of the Trade
When men’s wigs became more reserved in style wigmakers turned their attention to women’s hair and the increasing demand for more complex and intricate hairstyles. Many wigmakers, having experience in styling longer locks, adapted to accommodating female clientele. The professionalisation of coiffeurs came about as a result of this fashion; whereas before a woman’s hair would have been dressed by the same maid who dressed her body, now with the more intricate designs were demanded, coiffeurs would train the woman’s maids on how to perfect the techniques of dressing hair. A woman of the ample means might employ two skilled coiffures; one for every-day looks and another to commission a hairdo to commemorate a special occasion. The Coiffeur became an immensely popular profession of elevated demand and status for almost a century.
Below I have listed some basic tools that went into a woman’s toilette for the practice of coiffure. Although pomatum and powder were available commercially at this point, they were incredibly expensive at two shillings a pound (Public Advertiser 1), especially when we consider the quantity used, so it may well have been more economic for a lady to have her maids create one themselves; where applicable, I have included recipes sourced from The Toilet of Flora (1779) by Pierre- Joseph Buc'hoz:
Pomatum – today know as pomade provided a stiff base for aiding vertical bulk and a sticky basis for the powder to adhere to. This was often rendered down hog fat, however, there have also been reports of kid lard and ox marrow (Buc'hoz 163) Alternatively an instructional guide by coiffeur William Moore of Bath suggests that using pomatum twice a week would keep hair clean as opposed to using water and maintain the hairs health well enough to prevent hair loss. (Moore 3)
205. Another Pomatum for the Hair
Cut into small pieces a sufficient quantity of Hog’s Cheek, steep it eight or ten days in clean water, which be careful to change three times a day, and every time the Water is changed, stir it well with a spatula to make the flesh white. Drain the flesh dry, and putting it into a new earthen pipkin, with a pint of Rose-water, and a Lemon stuck with Cloves, simmer them over the fire till the scum looks reddish. Skim this off, and removing the pipkin from the fire, strain the Liquor. When it has cooled, take off the fat; beat it well with cold Water, which change two or three times as occasion may require; the last time using Rose-water instead of common Water. Drain the Pomatum dry, and scent it with Violets, Tuberoses, Orange Flowers, Jasmine, Jonquils a la Reine, &c. in the following manner. (Buc'hoz 171)
206. Manner of Scenting Pomatums for the Hair
Spread your Pomatum about an inch thick upon several dishes or plates, strewing the flowers you make choice of on one dish, and covering them with another. Change the Flowers for fresh ones every twelve hours, and continue to pursue this method for ten or twelve days; mixing the pomatum well, and spreading it out every time that fresh Flowers are added. It will soon acquire a fragrant scent, and may be used in what manner you think proper. It is good for almost every cosmetic purpose, but more particularly for the hair, which it nourishes, strengthens, preserves, and thickens. (172)
Powder – made from wheat or potato flour, the powder was used to: build volume of individual strands of hair, mask colouring differences between hair and hairpiece, absorb oils from scalp and pomatum and solidify the look. They came in a variety of scents in an attempt to mask the unpleasant odours of pomatum. Interestingly this is a technique that is still used to this day, although the opaqueness has fallen out of fashion long ago, to this day powder in aerosol form is used for its ability to preserve a hairdo and for its oil absorbing properties and scented nature. We may believe that coloured hair is a recent development in the world of coiffure, however, this is not so; pastel powders were utilised to give the wearer an edge on the other women’s hairstyles (Wollstonecraft 40).
219. Perfumed Powder
Take a pound of Florentine Orrice-root, two ounces of Gum Benjamin, a pound of dried Roses, an ounce of Storax, an ounce and a half of Yellow Sanders, a quarter of an ounce of Cloves, and a small quantity of Lemon-peel; beat the whole together into fine powder, and then add twenty pounds of Starch-powder. Sift through a lawn sieve and colour the powder according to your fancy. (Buc'hoz 183)
224. White Powder.
Take four pounds of Starch, half a pound of Florentine Orrice-root, six Cuttlefish Bones; Ox Bones and Sheep’s. Bones calcined to whiteness, of each half a handful; beat the whole together, and sift the Powder through a very fine sieve. (Buc'hoz 186)
Facial Cone & Powder Bellows– A cone or mask was used to cover the face and prevent inhalation of powder made from animal bones whilst the coiffeur used powder bellows in order to evenly disperse hair powder over the head without disturbing any pinning
Image 1. Facial covering that would have been used to protect the client's face from powders
taken from Plate II: Shaving and Curling"Wigmaker, Barber, Bath-keeper." L'Encycopedie Diderot (1772)
Hair cushions – used to create height and stability for extended wear of a coiffure, As we see from the advertisement, a cushion of light material was of the utmost importance as women would often wear their styles for days at a time however they also had to support the weight of the enormous amounts of hair that were rested upon them. In the same periodical, we can observe that Academies for Hair-Dressing had been naturalised into society by this point.
Images 2 &3. Advertisements taken from A Guide to Health, Beauty, Riches, and Honour, by Francis Grose (1785)
Hair-pieces –used to create the illusion of volumes of hair beyond physical possibility. The most expensive variety would have been created from human hair, however, those who could not afford this but still wished to emulate the upper class would use horse hair and wool and conceal it within the hair. Rumours of the origins of the hair used ranged from being taken from corpses to women of unfortunate circumstances selling their hair to make money.
Finishing accessories – common décor would include flowers, feathers, ribbons, hats and jewellery but women also used symbolic décor; they accessorised to passively express their allegiance to political matters and movements in whatever way they could.
The Coiffeur's Labour
There is no one method for producing such an edifice of hair, it appears that many coiffeurs worked on a notion of trial and error (Stewart 2), of course, many retaining the secrets to successful hair sculpture that kept their services in such high demand. However, one technique used for curling both wigs and hair can be seen on Plate 11 of L’Encyclopedie Diderot et D’Ambert (1772) in the section “Arts De Habillement” or Clothing Arts. It is denoted as “papillote” curls or “butterfly” curls; the method of achieving these ringlets follows: take a piece of hair one centre meter in width and wind it from tip to root to resemble a spiral as in Fig. 28 & 29, wrap this strand in a piece of protective paper seen in Fig. 10 and fold tightly to secure as in Fig. 16 & 17. Using a heated pinching iron such as the one shown in Fig. 33 & 34, place the curl between the plates and press tightly. The hair was left to cool in the secured paper, thus ensuring the style had set, upon this, the paper would be removed a tight coil, capable of outlasting any curl made by today’s curling tongs. A wide-toothed comb would be able to move through the hair without disturbing the layers of pomatum and powder, or alternatively, the curls would be broken to help create the “frizzed” style that may resemble the coiffure Evelina’s describes in Frances Burney’s novel of the same name.
Image 4. Plate II: Shaving and Curling "Wigmaker, Barber, Bath-keeper." L'Encycopedie Diderot, 1772
Image 5. 'Papillote' or 'Butterfly' style curls can be seen in this portrait entitled Madame Grand, called Noël Catherine Vorlée by By Élisabeth Louise Vigée Le Brun, 1783
(http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/437898)
The process of dressing a lady’s hair frequently employed the technique of “frizzling”, which in modern terms we could equate to ‘back-combing’ or ‘teasing’, that is, brushing the hair from mid-lengths to root with a fine-toothed comb in order to build the illusion of volume. This density would be required to successfully cover the cushion; a lightweight round of material used to bolster and support the hair and achieve more height. The cushion, (see Fig. 40 & 41 of L'Encyclopedie) would be placed on the crown of the head whilst the woman’s hair was distributed evenly about her whole head, even covering the face. The cushion would be pinned to the hair to create a sturdy base for increased height, and any hairpieces would also be pinned to the centre of the cushion to increase the blending of the hair colours. Pomade or as it was referred to in the 18th Century pomatum would be applied to a layer of hair closest to the cushion first, providing a tacky base for the wheat or potato flour to stick to which would be applied to the hair subsequently. The hair would be teased from layer to layer ensuring a look of significant proportions. The tips of the hair would be curled inwards towards the cushion created a rounded effect. Various accessories would be added and the hair would be powdered to finish. Although some women did, the majority of women refrained from powdering their hair completely white, this style was mostly reserved for men’s wigs which emerged in the first decade of the 18th century (Planche 305). More common were powders of a pastel nature, either pink or blue etc or a semi-translucent powder that, on darker coloured hair, would produce a greyish effect. These would be applied with powder bellows or a powder pouffe whilst the woman held a mask to her face to prevent inhaling the calcified bone powders. Whereas previously fair or blonde hair had been the preferred ideal for beauty standard, from numerous recipes for darkening the hair, it can be deduced that a more sultry colour became desirable. (Buc'hoz 10, 12, 133) Everyday accessories for the hair would include strings of pearls, coloured feathers and ribbons and live flowers. One might even call this reserved in light of the adornments used for more special occasions including but not limited to cannons, battle scenes, opera scenes, nature scenes and even cityscapes (Moore 4).
Image 6. This portrait presents a more vertical style and is finished by accenting with pearls, flowers and white powder, rendering dark hair look of a greyish hue.
Marie Rinteau, called Mademoiselle de Verrières By François Hubert Drouais, 1761
http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/436214?sortBy=Relevance&when=A.D.+1600-1800&where=Europe&ft=hair&offset=200&rpp=100&pos=206
Hair-Raising Robberies
According to one historical society, it could take “six men six days working from sunup to sundown” (Wigs -The Peruke Maker) to complete a wig and, if composed of human hair is said to have cost about the same as the average man’s annual wage. This was an incredibly labour intensive and delicate process, from growing the hair, which would usually be done by European women of lower social status, to acquiring enough hair of similar colour to be able to make a wig or hair piece. This was all before the process of weaving and sewing even began, not to mention the measures taken to satisfy the opulent tastes and specifications of the buyer. With these hairpieces, being so intricately made, of such expensive materials, and in such demand, wig theft soon became rife throughout both the cities and the countryside as there was a burgeoning black market for them. Numerous records of the theft of human hair have been recorded by the Old Bailey courthouse with many defendants being found guilty of grand larceny which speaks to their value.
Image 6. Picture from At the Sign of the Barber's Pole by William Andrews, 1969
Socialites of the 18th century, both men and women alike had to be cautious of wearing their perukes and hair pieces in public places; It appears that in the cities especially, thieves would conjure up surprisingly inventive and convoluted ways in which to obtain a wig or hairpiece. One particularly successful method was to conceal a young child with a cloth on a butcher's tray that would be hoisted onto the shoulder of a man who would stroll nonchalantly past a 'bigwig' (OED). Upon passing the child would emerge from the tray and pull the victim's wig from behind and both boy and man would steal off with the piece, leaving the noble disoriented and bald in the street with more interest in recovering their dignity than their hair piece in that moment. (Andrews 95) Meanwhile, in the countryside, highwaymen too soon sought after these high-valued pieces, going as far as to slice through the back of carriages to reach in and divest someone of their hair.
In his poem Trivia, or The Art Of Walking The Streets By Night (1716) John Gay describes the dangers of wearing one's peruke in town:
Nor is the flaxen wig with safety worn:
High on the shoulders in a basket borne
Lurks the sly boy, whose hand, to rapine bred,
Plucks off the curling honours of thy head. (55-59)
Although many have argued that the tone of the poem is intended to mock those fearful of walking outside in public, the sheer volume of incidents reported at the Old Bailey attest to the real threat of having one's peruke or hair piece stolen.By describing the wig as “curling honours” Gay affords the object a status that transcends face-value; it is a signifier of decency and class. To be stripped in public would not only be physically embarrassing but would also be a stripping of the most obvious symbol of higher class. As The Gentleman's Magazine states "The hair-raising was literally executed. No man's wig of any pretensions in the perruquier's art was safe, and the fine headdresses of the women of fashion were equally a source of temptation to the street robber, who cut holes through the backs of carriages at least as early as 1717" (Nichols 481).There is also a commentary that their version of "honour" is so fickle it can be easily put on by the wearer and taken away by the hand of a boy "to rapine bred". Just as the wig became to resemble masculine virility, for another, especially a socially inferior male, to remove it was a form of metaphorical castration and thus an humiliating emasculation.
Evelina, Frances Burney
The theft of wigs, being that they were immensely costly and popular, increased in great numbers throughout the century, right up to the later half of the 1780s when their popularity began to decline. Whilst men's wigs were rather more easily removed than women's hair pieces, this did not pose as an obstacle to many thieves, one incidence of a woman being a victim of losing her hair piece can be seen in Fanny Burney's Evelina first published in 1778, during a period of very high demand for hair pieces, and thus at the height of their theft. Madame Duval, Evelina’s Francophile grandmother suffers the loss of her hairpiece when the Captain assaults their chariot and believes herself to be a victim of such a theft. Evelina writes; “Just as we were seated in the chariot, she discovered the loss which her head had sustained, and called out, "My God! what is become of my hair?—why the villain has stole all my curls!" (Burney ii) She then ordered the man to run and see if he could find any of them in the ditch. He went, and presently returning, produced a great quantity of hair, in such a nasty condition, that I was amazed she would take it” (Burney ii). Madame Duval, who always takes pride in her appearance accepts the apparently unwearable curls upon their discovery, and dismays at her luck, exclaiming “Why, I can't see nobody without [the curls]: -only look at me,-I was never so bad off in my life before. Pardi, if I'd know'd as much, I'd have brought two or three sets with me: but I'd never a thought of such a thing as this.”Her refusal to see anyone from then on due to failing to anticipate needing another set speaks to both their economic and social importance; as Mme Duval, a character who takes extreme pride in her appearance refuses for her hair to be seen at its natural volume alludes to the idea that, at this point women’s hair in its natural state, sans hairpieces and pomatum was so uncommonly seen in polite society that it had actually become slightly taboo or even sexualised in status which can be seen in both Fanny Hill (Cleland 190) and Rape of the Lock (Pope). It certainly speaks to the importance placed on appearances throughout the century.
Cosmetics and Coiffure
Throughout the ordeal, Evelina describes her grandmother quite unbecomingly with “her head-dress had fallen off; […] and her face was really horrible, for the pomatum and powder from her head, and the dust from the road, were quite pasted on her skin by her tears, which, with her rouge, made so frightful a mixture, that she hardly looked human” (Burney ii). As Leanne Maunu attests, by drawing attention to her “rouge”, Evelina highlights her Grandmother’s (in this moment) failed French aspirations; as "rouge" was a word only recently adopted into the English vernacular in 1753 (OED). She unites this 'Frenchness' with her artifice as Maunu claims in Women Writing the Nation: National Identity, Female Community, and the British- French Connection; “Madame Duval is excessively concerned with being noticed, with having pretensions to beauty and fashion” (75).
Image 7. A satirical engraving mocking the French fashions pouring from Versaille.
The piece is entitled The French Lady in London, or the Head Dress for the Year 1771 originally etched by Samuel H. Grimm
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=1478781&partId=1
Indeed in a later assessment of her Grandmother’s character, Evelina writes that “the labour of toilette seems the chief business of her life” (Burney iii) –This emphasis on her own appearance adds to how ridiculous she is made to look throughout the ordeal, from Evelina’s point of view, in that she prioritises her vanity and materialism over quality and substance, through keeping the curls but refusing to be seen. A correlation in the literature of the time links the artificiality of coiffure and dress to an artificiality of character. Echoes of this concern are aptly expressed Thoughts on the Educations of Daughters, a conduct book written by none other than Mary Wollstonecraft in 1785, seven years before the publication of her seminal feminist work The Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792). Wollstonecraft alludes to the impression that a false appearance belies a false character in general with "if caught by it a man marries a woman thus disguised, he may chance not to be satisfied with her real person. A made up face may strike visitors but will certainly disgust domestic friends. And one obvious inference is drawn, truth is not expected to govern the inhabitant of so artificial a form" (39). Wollstonecraft's proto-feminism is one that explores women's rights, but is also less concerned with women's choice, deeming the hyper-feminised decoration as a result of strict patriarchal limitations. Her reasoning is that she believes to be disloyal to men for women to present themselves in such a manner, perhaps failing to see that this is an expression of one's self in as small (or large in some cases) a manner as women were permitted. She goes on to write; “I forgot to mention powder among the deceptions. It is a pity that it should be so generally worn. The most beautiful ornament of the features is disguised, and the shade it would give to the countenance entirely lost. The colour of every person’s hair generally suits the complexion, and is calculated to set if off. What absurdity then do they run into, who use red, blue, and yellow powder! – And what a false taste does it exhibit! The quantity of pomatum is disgusting” (40). Although it could be said that Wollstonecraft pioneers for the acceptance of feminine beauty in its natural state, she frames it as a deception to men if a woman chooses to dress her hair or use cosmetics. Charles James Fox addressed the matter of avoiding fashions when he stated to do so would “to expose [oneself] to contempt and ridicule, by making [oneself] singular, and setting an example at defiance.”(Mackenzie 7). In light of this, it might be that Wollstonecraft fails to see the lack of options as a progressive woman who was brave enough to withstand ostracisation from her society. Her text does not acknowledge the root of the issue being women's requirement to please men with their appearance alone, or indeed at all, however her concern with an image-driven society that does not promote the thriving of women for their intellect independent of their appearance, is an issue that could be argued has never been more prevalent than today.
http://0-www.gender.amdigital.co.uk.pugwash.lib.warwick.ac.uk/Documents/Images/Thoughts%20on%20the%20Education%20of%20Daughters/22?searchId=424b4aa3-be51-4fca-bc55-c54af932f77c
Coiffure and Conduct
Another piece of conduct literature that concerns itself with women's dress is written by Dr John Gregory who remarked in his 1774 work entitled A Father’s Legacy to his Daughters surmises that a love of “dress” and fashion is “natural” to the female sensibility as such it should be considered to be “proper and reasonable” (64). He insists that women should not confine their attention to dress to public appearances, but rather women should “accustom [themselves] to habitual neatness, so that in [their] most careless undress, in [their] unguarded hours they should have no reason to be ashamed of [their] appearance” also stating that “[Women] will not easily believe how much [men] consider [their] dress as expressive of [their] characters.” (65). He perceives that women having an affinity for ‘dress’ or fashions as “natural” “reasonable” and “proper”, by claiming that as truthful canon, he also denies any alternative and implies that any woman who does not corroborate this theory is “unnatural”, “unreasonable” and “improper”. Of course, the expression of self is addressed here, however it is done so more as a warning that any undress or actually natural state (i.e untidy/unkempt) is undesirable in the public space. He shows a support of fashions or ‘dress’ however it is also clear that this is also a warning against any counter-cultural opinions or exhibitions; again the woman’s choice is limited to choose ‘which’ (hairstyle) as opposed to ‘if’ (any at all). He also advises women that "if you happen to have any learning, keep it a profound secret, especially from the men, who generally look with a jealous and malignant eye on a woman of great parts, and a cultivated understanding"(23). Both Gregory’s and Wollstonecraft’s works support the concept that women should temper themselves to accommodate a fragile male ego and that this heroic masculinity is to be prioritised over any exhibition of feminine strength, which must be treated as subservient.
Whereas Mme Duval takes pride in her appearance as her natural state, Evelina finds the adjustments to her appearance rather uncomfortable. Burney describes the moment when the protagonist gets her hair dressed formally for the very first time with ““I have just had my hair dressed. You can't think how oddly my head feels; full of powder and black pins, and a great cushion on the top of it. I believe you would hardly know me, for my face looks quite different from what it did before my hair was dressed. When I shall be able to make use of a comb for myself I cannot tell, for my hair is so much entangled, frizzled they call it, that I fear it will be very difficult” (Burney x). Although the process of Evelina’s toilette pushes her to the point of alienation from her appearance it also renders her acceptable in society’s image. She explains how the dressing of the hair affects her entire countenance, although she is now as artificial as she sees her grandmother this might be seen as a reaction to the novice of having restricted locks. Whereas Mme Dubois believes the toilette and art of dressing the hair to be the “chief business of her life” the youth of Evelina is unaccustomed but largely unresisting to the process of artifice. Whilst the process might appear rather restrictive, it actually aids Evelina to flourish naturally, birthing a “real” woman from the girlhood adolescence, indeed she is even designated “Helen”(xii), of course referring to Helen of Troy; the original natural beauty. Whereas the hair might previously have been shrouding her face the process of dressing it would certainly pull it up and off, revealing her “[angelic]”(xii) features. Burney frames the process as being integral to the burgeoning urbanisation of cities and thus to society as a whole.
A Swift Judgment of Coiffure
Although this process renders her ‘acceptable’ for polite society, this ability to be seen in public spaces also invites her into a space full of potential humiliation. This is not just a sphere to be admired but also a place of intense ridicule; as can be seen from the copious amounts of satirical literature and caricatures that concern themselves with the female coiffure of the era. Jonathon Swift is a satirist who appeared to take particular issue with the manner in which women chose to style their hair. This is evident throughout his poem The Lady's Dressing Room first published in 1732, when Strephon, Swift’s ego invades his sweethearts, dressing room and is disgusted by what he finds in the private space.
Five hours, (and who can do it less in?)
By haughty Celia spent in dressing;
The goddess from her chamber issues,
Arrayed in lace, brocades and tissues.
[…]
The various combs for various uses,
Filled up with dirt so closely fixt,
No brush could force a way betwixt.
A paste of composition rare,
Sweat, dandruff, powder, lead and hair;
[…]
The stockings why should I expose,
Stained with the marks of stinking toes;
Or greasy coifs and pinners reeking,
Which Celia slept at least a week in?
A pair of tweezers next he found
To pluck her brows in arches round,
Or hairs that sink the forehead low,
Or on her chin like bristles grow.
Strephon desires Celia in the form she is presented to him in public, however once he invades the private female sphere of the dressing room, he is no longer able to visualize her as a sexual object upon what he finds there. Strephon’s demand for the female form in what he believes is the ‘natural’ state is compromised when he realizes the reality of what goes into the process of Celia’s toilette. The taboo of the various unpleasantries that sometimes surrounded the art of coiffure and unsavory methods of achieving the looks that were, to an extent, expected of women, and that Strephon was once so enamoured with Celia for. Swift’s disgust results from his discovery, therefore we might assert that rather than the artificiality of Celia being the source of his revulsion, it is the forced acknowledgment of the female form as a functioning body rather than a sexual object that affects his own masculinity. His own transgression and the loss of ignorance it forces, rather than Celia’s habits, are what render him incapable of performing his own masculine duty. The undeniable knowledge of Celia’s active beauty or betterment effectively emasculates Strephon to such an extent that he is unable to perform sexually, this theme was picked up on in Mary Wortely Montagu’s satiric response The Reasons that Induced Dr. S to Write a Poem Call’d the Lady’s Dressing Room (1734). There is a potential underlying hypocrisy here as Swift too was conformist to male fashions of the era, as he admits in Journal to Stella (1766) to have paid three guineas for a wig, which amounts to 275 pounds in today’s currency. Strephon is representative of a masculinity in the era that is simultaneously critical of the hours spent dressing but unaware or at least unrepentant of his own culpability in a culture that demands or even limits a woman to such a labour.
A writer in another periodical expresses concern at the increased literacy that came about as a result of hours sat in the coiffeur’s chair; “Hair-dressing has been very serviceable to reading- Look at the popular books of a circulating library, and you will find the binding cracked by quantities of powder and pomatum between the leaves - The booksellers never complain of this- the book is completely ruined.” (Hints on Reading 177). The issue appears to be that a woman, considered as a simply ornamental entity, rather than to simply sit for hours, vacant whilst a coiffeur tends her tresses, has chosen to occupy her mind simultaneously or at all. It is possible that women chose elaborate hairstyles to be able to spend justifiable hours reading material from lending libraries without being under constant scrutiny as they were preparing for polite society. The suggestion of looking “between leaves” reveals an anxiety over the overall progression of women’s education and social importance, or as Richard Ritter succinctly describes this a “Swifitan mistrust of femininity composed of cosmetic layers” (Ritter 26).
Coiffure and Consumerism
Another satirical poem that expresses a distaste for the heightened artificiality of the later 18th century was published in The Gentleman’s Magazine in 1777 and was given the title The Ladies Dress. A Receipt.
The Ladies Dress. A Receipt.
From the outset, the poem underlines the theme of consumerism by denoting the poem a “receipt”
Give Chloe a bushel of horse-hair and wool,
Of paste and pomatum a pound,
Ten yards of gay ribbon to deck her sweet skull,
And gauze to encompass it round.
These already extravagant and expensive items are listed in excessive quantities. The distinction of the horse hair and wool designate Chloe as of a lower but not insignificant wealth.
Of all the bright colour the rainbow displays
Be those ribbons which hang on her head,
Be her flounces adapted to make the folks gaze,
And about the whole work they spread.
The author also draws attention to the act of spectatorship, he describes the ribbons as being just one method in which Chloe employs to draw the attention of her peers, he also describes her as body as ‘work’, but rather than elevating her coiffure to the status of art, he effectively objectifies her entirety with his derisive tone.
Let her flags fly behind, for a yard at the least,
Let her curls meet just under her chin.
Let her curls be supported to keep up the jest,
With a hundred, instead of one pin.
The author labels the manner in which she is dressed as a “jest”, once again referring to the ‘performance’ of dressing, thus placing men as the intended audience, and emphasising the trickery he believes her to be perpetuating.
Let her gown be tuck'd up to the hip on each side;
Shoes too high or to walk or to jump;
And to deck the sweet creature complete for a bride,
Let the cork-cutter make her a rump.
The impracticality of women’s fashion is scrutinised, repeats the condescending “sweet”, belittling the labour of women’s dress whilst acknowledging that possessing such items makes her ‘suitable’ in society’s eyes as a marriageable woman
Thus finish'd in taste, while on Chloe you gaze,
You may take the dear charmer for life;
But never undress her, for, out of her stays,
You'll find you have lost half your wife!
The author alludes to a similar argument as Swift, that removing the artifice by “[undressing] her” will result in the loss of the woman’s status as a sexual object. The finishing line echoes the concerns of Swift and Wollstonecraft when they suggest that the artifice is a deceptive method utilised to trap poor unsuspecting (or perhaps ignorant) suitors.
The poem has a moralising tone that might be due to a deep concern over the increase in material culture during the century. Newly luxuries made available by increase in trade and general wealth meant an increasingly commodity-driven society that was fiercely contested. Luxury was viewed by many as a destructive force that corrupted from within, the fear of which can be seen here and in Swift’s writings. Although it was a largely misogynistic argument; driven by masculine anxieties regarding a ‘dangerous’ feminisation of culture, it can even be seen briefly in Wollstonecraft’s work.
Copious Caricatures
The extravagant and intricate coiffures that embellished polite society were applauded, imitated and then, in the nature of fashion, quickly discarded for the next 'big' thing, however they did not evade scathing sketches by visual satirists as can be seen in some of the more mordant caricatures below. Of course, many of these sources are satire in nature and as such by definition, the subject's appearance is exaggerated for humorous and/or critical effect, however, the sheer number of caricatures that satirised the coiffure of women in the early 1700s could hint towards the fashion's immense popularity and prevalence throughout the aristocracy.
Image 8. Le Stratageme Amoureux or The Love Strategy, c. 1770-1780 Image 9. Coiffure à l’Indépendance ou le Triomphe de la liberté, c. 1778.
This caricature choose to highlight the assumption that beneath A famously extravagant style of coiffure, donned to display political
an artificial appearance lies a duplicitous nature; we see a activism and patriotism.The first was la coiffure à la Belle Poule,
woman kissing her elderly husband whilst high in her hair, commissioned to commemorate the victory of the French navy
her young lover is awaiting a love letter carried by cupid over the British during the American Revolution.
up a long ladder.
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=1521556&partId=1&searchText=caricature&images=true&from=ad&fromDate=1700&to=ad&toDate=1805&subject=16721&page=1
Image 10. Mlle des Faveurs a la Promenade a Londres, 1770-1780 Image 11. The Flower Garden, Matthew Darly, 1777
A caricature that explores the Englishman’s confusion A caricature that details a more 'nature' inspired coiffure, however
and distaste for the French style of coiffure. the nature in the hair sculpture has been pruned and arranged
therefore it may be a critique on what men believed to be a 'false' natural
beauty achieved through dressing hair.
Sophia Coppola's 2006 Marie Antoinette, A modern-day caricaturisation of Versailles fashion of the 18th Century
Image 12. Sofia Coppola’s 2006 film adaptation of the story of Marie Antoinette chose specifically to emphasise and make a caricature of the queen’s famously excessive and ridiculous hairstyles.
Death and Taxes Killed the Coiffure
In Britain, Politician William Pitt decided to use the popularity of the powdered coiffure to increase funding for the ongoing war with France and stave of famine; he did this by introducing a tax on hair powder in 1795. The bill stated that any person who wished to wear hair powder would be required to pay a guinea for a license to be able to do so. (Mackenzie 3) In today’s currency this would equate to fifty-nine pounds per person, per year (HISTORICAL CURRENCY CONVERTER). This caused an uproar amongst the users and was the catalyst for the powdered look to fall out of fashion as people, in a sign of political rebellion began to refrain for wearing it, the men removed with wigs and the women adopted much more natural styles. It was viewed as an affront to civic freedoms to be taxed on something so personally consumed. Surprisingly though this has become one of the obscure methods through which people today are able to trace their family histories. In France however, this symbol of the elite had quickly fallen out of fashion towards the beginning of French Revolution in 1789. Wearing powdered hair became dangerous as it was seen as an allegiance to the monarchy that had been abolished. The aristocracy could chose to lose their wigs or their heads, or as Henri Villiers claimed in Essais Historiques sur les Modes et la Toilette Française (1824) “Guerre à mort aux perruques intolérantes! […] Partout est proclamée la liberté des têtes ; la révolution traverse la France en torrent , et les chevelures naturelles ont reconquis pour quelques années le trône” Which roughly translates as “Everywhere heads are free; the revolution crosses France in a torrent and natural hair has reclaimed the throne from their rivals for a few years” (De Villiers 242).
The Chop of the Guillotine
A trend that sparked in the later half of the 1790’s, immediately after the Reign of Terror, was the fashion for both men and women to style their hair as what some historians call “coiffure à la victime” (Parisian Fashions 2) or “à la Titus”(Formerly and Today 189).
FORMERLY AND TO-DAY.
[From a Paris Journal.]
“FORMERLY the hair was worn so long, that a general council thought proper to prescribe that fashion, in compliance with a passage of St. Paul against long hair; and we have since had square wigs, long-tailed wigs, pig-tailed wigs, full-bottomed wigs, folio wigs, bag wigs, pigeon-winged wigs, spaniel-eared wigs, horseshoe wigs, lapdog wigs, wigs à l'Espagnole, à l'Anglaise, à la conseillère, et à la Greque. Today we have generally adopted a more convenient and simple mode of wearing the hair, which saves time and expense, does not foil one's clothes with grease or powder, and facilitates the Perspiration of the head. This is the fashion à la Romaine, or à la Titus.” (189)
As is can be seen in the article, the hair was shorn at the nape of the neck and left longer and choppy over the ears and forehead, often being styled with pomades for a more dishevelled and bedraggled look. The hair was cut such in a manner as to resemble the jagged and often humiliating shearing carried out by the executioner’s assistant before a victim was taken to the scaffold. The hair was shorn in order for the guillotine to have a clean cut on the neck of the party sentenced to be beheaded. Both men and women alike cut their hair short in sympathy but also potential emulation of the nobility who did not survive the reign of terror. This look would sometimes be paired with a thin red choker-style necklace made of ribbon or glistening rubies that offered an illusion of the wound left by a guillotine on the neck, or a croix à la Victime; a red harness about the body to represent blood. Historically, hair and specifically hair length has been integral to forming gender identity, however here, perhaps for the first time on a larger scale, we witness a change; women in France are cutting their hair short, thus subverting their socially orchestrated heteronormative gender roles.
This revolutionary neoclassical, yet morbid trend is exhibited in the portraits below:
Image 13.Portrait of Suzanne Le Peletier de Saint-Fargeau Image 14. Taken from Un Incroyable
By Jaques-Louis David, 1806 by Carle Vernet, 1796
Of one thing we can be certain; the coiffure of the 18th century certainly reached new heights in women’s bids to out-do one another!
Why not try designing a wig yourself at: http://www.vam.ac.uk/designawig/
Bibliography
Primary Texts
Bell, John. "Parisian Fashions." Bell's Weekly Messenger 1803: Vol.2. 18th Century Journals. Web. 01 Mar. 2017.
Buc'hoz, Pierre-Joseph. The Toilet of Flora: Or, A Collection of the Most Simple and Approved Methods of Preparing Baths, Essences, Pomatums, Powders, Perfumes, and Sweet-scented Waters. For the Use of the Ladies. London: Printed for J. Murray and W. Nicoll, 1779. Print.
- Incredible helpful text for methods of making pomade and provides insight into the cosmetic procedures
Burney, Fanny, and Edward A. Bloom. Evelina, or The History of a Young Lady's Entrance into the World. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2002. Print.
Gay, John. Trivia: Or, the Art of Walking the Streets of London. To Which Is Added Rural Sports. A Poem. Inscribed to Mr. Pope. Dublin: Printed by S. Powell, for George Risk, 1727. Print.
Gregory, John. A Father's Legacy to His Daughters. London: Printed for W. Strahan, T. Cadell in the Strand, and J. Balfour and W. Creech at Edinburgh, 1774. Print.
- Conduct book that highlights the manipulation of women 'for their own good
'
Grose, Francis. A Guide to Health, Beauty, Riches, and Honour. London: Printed for S. Hooper, No. 212, High Holborn, 1785. Print.
"Hints on Reading." Lady's Magazine Apr. 1789: 177-78. Rpt. in Vol. 25. London: J. Robinson, 1789. 177. Defining Gender. Web. 1 Mar. 2017.
- Invaluable insight into how women's literacy was affected by coiffure and the male anxiety
"Plate II: Shaving and Curling" "Wigmaker, Barber, Bath-keeper." L'Encycopedie Diderot, 1772
- Fantastic etchings of tools used to create lasting hairstyles
Mackenzie, Henry, and William Pitt. Cursory Remarks on Mr. Pitt's New Tax of Imposing a Guinea per Head on Every Person Who Wears Hair-powder. London: Printed for and Sold by Daniel Isaac Eaton. 1795. Print.
- Important response to Pitt's powder tax and the importance of keeping up fashions
Moore, William. The Art of Hair-dressing: And Making It Grow Fast, Together, with a Plain and Easy Method of Preserving It; with Several Useful Recipes, &c. By William Moore, . Bath: Printed for the Author, by J. Salmon, Bath, 1780. Print.
- Provides Necessary insight into the methodology of Coiffure
Stewart, Alexander. The Art of Hair Dressing; Or, the Ladies' Director. London: For the Author, 1788. Print.
- Alternative practices to Moore's book
Swift, Jonathan. The Lady's Dressing Room: To Which Is Added, A Poem on Cutting down the Old Thorn at Market Hill. By the Rev. Dr. S-T. London: Printed for J. Roberts, 1732. Print.
Villiers, Henri De. Essais Historiques Sur Les Modes Et La Toilette Française. Paris: Bouquin De La Souche, 1824. Print.
- Reception of the downfall of powdered Coiffure
Wollstonecraft, Mary. Mrs. Wollstonecraft's Thoughts on the Education of Daughters; with Reflections on Female Conduct, in the More Important Duties of Life. Dublin: Printed by W. Sleater, 1788. Print.
Secondary Texts
Andrews, William. At the Sign of the Barber's Pole; Studies in Hirsute History. Detroit: Singing Tree, 1969. Print.
- Detail explanation of wig-stealing methods including a diagram
Chico, Tita. Designing Women: The Dressing Room in Eighteenth-century English Literature and Culture. Lewisburg: Bucknell UP, 2005. Print.
Condra, Jill. The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Clothing through World History 1501-1800. Westport: Greenwood, 2008. Print.
- Provides helpful information on the effect of men's wig fashions on women's hair fashions
Nichols, John, Bradbury, and Evans. "Volume 297." Editorial. Gentleman's Magazine Dec. 1904: 481. Print.
Planche, James Robinson. A Cyclopedia of Costume or Dictionary of Dress, including Notices of Contemporaneous Fashions on the Continent: A General Chronological History of the Costumes of the Principal Countries of Europe, from the Commencement of the Christian Era to the Accession of George the Third. London: Chatto & Windus, 1876. Print.
Ritter, Richard. Imagining Women Readers: 1789-1820 ; Well-regulated Minds. Manchester: Manchester U, 2015. Print.
"Wigs - The Peruke Maker." Milton Keynes Heritage Association. Newport Pagnell Historical Society, Apr. 2004. Web. 12 Mar. 2017.
- Supports the theory that women utilised hours in the coiffeurs seat to better themselves intellectually and socially
Image References
Image 1. Snippet from Plate II: Shaving and Curling "Wigmaker, Barber, Bath-keeper." L'Encycopedie Diderot, 1772
Images 2 &3. A Guide to Health, Beauty, Riches, and Honour, by Francis Grose, 1785
Image 4.Plate II: Shaving and Curling "Wigmaker, Barber, Bath-keeper." L'Encycopedie Diderot, 1772
Image 5. Madame Grand, called Noël Catherine Vorlée by By Élisabeth Louise Vigée Le Brun, 1783
Image 6. At the Sign of the Barber's Pole by William Andrews, 1969
Image 7. The French Lady in London, or the Head Dress for the Year 1771 by Samuel H. Grimm, 1771
Image 8. Le Stratageme Amoureux or The Love Strategy, 1770-1780
Image 9. Coiffure à l’Indépendance ou le Triomphe de la liberté, c. 1778.
Image 10. Mlle des Faveurs a la Promenade a Londres, 1770-1780
Image 11. The Flower Garden, Matthew Darly, 1777
Image 12. Marie Antoinette, Sofia Coppola, 2006
Image13. Portrait of Suzanne Le Peletier de Saint-Fargeau, by Jaques-Louis David, 1806
Image 14. Un Incroyable, Carle Vernet, 1796
Comments (1)
chloe said
at 12:11 pm on Mar 17, 2017
I failed to add following references:
Swift, Jonathan. Journal to Stella: Letters to Esther Johnson and Rebecca Dingley, 1710-1713. Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013
Spirit of the Public Journals for 1801, British Library Newspapers Volume 5 - 1801 (however this now appears to have been removed from the database)
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