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Almost all of the figures painted are wearing a scarf of some description.
Introduction
The scarf's primary purpose, looking back as far as Adam and Eve, was to maintain one's modesty by covering their nude body. Prior to this, humanity wandered the earth naked and bereft of clothing they did not need or desire. Clothing's covering of the human body has, since the birth of sin, held a dual property: titillation and temptation, making clothing erotic for what it hides and what it reveals. It stimulates the sexual imagination. Its secondary purpose is its most recognisable to us today: warmth. The first historical evidence of a scarf can be found in the Bronze Age (1900-750 BCE), where evidence of spinning and weaving textiles can be found - the inception of manufacturing is inextricable from the inception of clothing. Early garments were made from animal skins, 'cleaned and softened with flint scrapers, and sewn with bone needles threaded with animal sinews.' (Barfoot 8). In an age of technology, one looks back at this innovation with admiration. By 54 BCE, 'crafts had developed, speeded by more highly civilised settlers from what is now Europe. Britons were proficient at weaving and dyeing coarse woollen cloth, rough on one side, in stripes and checks, probably the origin of tartans and plaids.' (Barfoot 8). Humans have always relied on the animal kingdom to provide materials to keep them alive and warm, but their processing methods inevitably improved over time. It is evident that not only was industry developing during this early period, but so was fashion. By the Norman era, a thousand years later, women were wearing a wimple, a cloth headdress likely made of wool, which covered the head, neck and shoulders; these are still worn by some nuns today. This garment developed as a simple head-covering, while a 'gorget' covered the throat. (Barfoot 14). The Middle Ages and Tudor periods introduced a fashion for ruffs, which were predominantly worn by courtly men; the trend was adapted for the lower classes in the form of a functional muffler, worn by market women to protect from the cold and infection. The starch used to treat ruffs 'was derived from cereal grains such as wheat or corn, which caused some contention' (Werlin) amongst the lower classes, who were working in the markets, ironically to stave off hunger. The muffler is mentioned in Shakespeare's Merry Wives of Windsor, when Falstaff attempts to disguise himself as the 'Fat Woman of Brentford': "Mistress Page: And there's her thrummed hat and her muffler too." (4.2.2035) Eighteenth-century culture fawned over Shakespeare as the Ultimate Genius of theatre (unlike in the previous century), and so paintings representing his dramas were fixtures in many Victorian homes: the scarf was being represented, then, as an accessory that was crucial to the success of the Genius's characters.
Fig. 2; Merry Wives of Windsor. Act IV, Scene II. A room in Ford's House. Falstaff in women's clothes led by Mrs. Page.
designed by James Durno and engraved by Thomas Ryder, 1801.
Falstaff is wearing a muffler - a type of scarf - as part of his disguise.
The eighteenth century, often referred to as the 'Age of Elegance', was an age of, 'style, beauty, wit, and sophisticated vice with the simultaneous contrast of squalor, poverty, and degradation; elaborate wigs and hooped skirts were commonly verminous and dirty, and much strong perfume was used.' (Barfoot 56) Women wore fichus to cover their shoulders and compensate for the recent fashion of lower necklines, influenced by the seductive actress Nell Gwyn in the previous century. While the jubilance surrounding the Restoration had a jovial impact on fashion, resulting in an abundance of ridiculous frills and ruffs, as well as brighter colours and more ornate patterns, the political instability of the eighteenth century was reflected in more sombre, reserved clothing. The Industrial Revolution 'brought an end to colourful and elaborate fashions for men. It was no longer practical for them to wear gay silks, satins, and velvets among industrial smoke and dirt,' while the 'French Revolution led to simpler styles, and the constant threat of war, entailing heavy national expenditure on naval and military forces, led to increased taxation.' (Barfoot 56) Thus, scarves became less exquisitely ornate and embroidered than they had been previously. Whilst mufflers, handkerchiefs, neckerchiefs, shawls and buffonts had aesthetic differences, they all shared the essential functions of personal hygiene and protective warmth. Further functions were gendered: men's handkerchiefs, for instance, were ornamental and could represent mourning or military rank. Women's scarves were an explicit marker of their archaic social function: preserving modesty and chastity. Women's scarves ostensibly developed on more sartorial tangents than those worn specifically by men, but their social function remained, indicating the lack of social progression experienced by women.
The social capital of the scarf diminished through the centuries as they became more prevalent and accessible through the mass production instigated by the Industrial Revolution. Its functional uses include as a sling to support an injured arm, and to keep one's neck area warm. The mass production of clothing and discourse of consumerism was prevalent in the eighteenth-century, and the materialistic ideology which permeated the eighteenth century led to a desire for quantity, not quality. Towards the end of the century, its structural shape influenced various execution methods of strangulation, which were used for capital punishment, including the garrotte. Execution was not the scarf's only morbid connotation; it was also used as a shroud to cover the faces of the condemned and the dead.
Fig. 3; a graph charting the frequency of the term 'scarf' throughout the eighteenth century.
Artemis Primary Sources.
The exponential rise of print culture in the eighteenth century might lead one to expect a similar pattern in the frequency of 'scarf' in texts; however, the pattern for 'scarf' and its plural is relatively random, as shown in Fig. 3. The peak at the beginning of the Hanoverian regime indicates a correlation between fashion and the new German monarchy, suggesting a European influence on British clothing. The term's textual frequency gradually decreases after this, before resurging during the French Revolution and then around the time of David Marat's murder and King Louis XVI's execution, at the end of the century. These patterns show the direct influence of European politics on British fashion. Most of the documents mentioning the term were advertisements or theft reports, showing how commonly scarves were exchanged in the eighteenth century.
French influence
"By the eighteenth century there was already an assumed supremacy in French taste, which has lingered into our own time."
(Cullen)
The eighteenth century was a tumultuous political period for Great Britain. The invocation of the Hanoverian regime, combined with a continually unstable parliament and a multitude of international wars being fought, created a climate of uncertainty which reached a climax in 1789 with the French Revolution. Britain and France had a particularly strained relationship throughout the century, catalysed by the events of the previous century and cemented by the ascension of King Louis XIV in 1645 (he died in 1715). His expansionist policy intimidated Britain, who spent the majority of the eighteenth century fighting the French, to little consequence: neither kingdom had sufficient magnitude to fully overcome the other, ultimately leading to a century of frustration. The French undermined Britain in several instances, the most notable being their support of the Jacobites, during the exile of James II; thus, the French had a reputation, among their supporters, as a wily, sly and intelligent nation. This ideology was reflected in the texts of several eighteenth-century writers who sympathised with the Jacobites, as well as by those who satirised this idolatry; Centlivre's 1718 play A Bold Stroke for a Wife implicitly mocks the gullible fool Sir Philip Modelove, who 'admires nothing but new fashions, and those must be French.' (1.1.128) In 1759, Britain's breakthrough in the Seven Years' War (1754-63) tilted the balance, as they emerged victorious over France across several continents, establishing Britain as the dominant empire for the following few hundred years.
Etymology
The majority of terms used to denote scarves in their various forms have all originated in the French language. 'Scarf' was not recorded before the middle of the sixteenth century, but likely evolved from a variation of the Old Northern French word for 'escarpe', meaning a sash or sling for a wounded arm, as well as denoting a pilgrim's scrip suspended from the neck; this denotation is recognised by Garrick in The Sick Monkey: A Fable, as he references 'A Chaplain's scarf,or Col'nel's sash' (328). Its plural form in English, 'scarves', has been commonly used since the beginning of the eighteenth century. 'Fichu', a popular term which especially gained prominence in the nineteenth century, is a French term which was absorbed into English; it originally was used adjectivally, in the sense of being 'carelessly thrown on'. A 'buffont' descends from the French 'bouffer', meaning 'to swell', referring to the extravagant, puffy nature of buffonts worn by ladies. A 'tignon' is a French word that originated in Louisiana, referring to the headscarves worn by free Creole women in what was at the time a Spanish colony.
Fig. 4;a graph charting the frequency of the term 'fichu' throughout the eighteenth century.
Artemis Primary Sources.
"a triangular piece of some light fabric, worn by ladies, now as a covering for the neck, throat, and shoulders, formerly also for the head."
Oxford English Dictionary Online
Fig. 5; Coiffure en Fichu
by Spencer de Velours, c. 1800.
This painting shows a French woman sporting the rose-pink fichu trend of the late eighteenth century, influenced by that worn by Corday at her execution.
The term 'fichu' comes from the French for 'carelessly thrown on', showing the ostensibly relaxed, effortless sartorial attitude of the French, which was envied by the English, who adopted various French fashions over the eighteenth century. Fig. 4 shows its increased usage towards the end of the century: by the nineteenth century, 'fichu' was a fixture in the English language, evolving to mean most female neckwear. It was mentioned by Mary Delany in The autobiography and correspondence of Mary Granville, Mrs Delany, as she describes how she, 'brought a little cold from Longleat, and lost my good fishew.'
Marat's legacy
Fig. 6; illustration of Corday in the tumbril on the way to her execution.
by Alphonse de Lamartine, 1847-1850.
Jean-Paul Marat (1743-1793) was a French journalist and activist, and a famous figure of the French Revolution. A leading member of the radical Jacobins, he held an anti-war ideology which he expressed via articles published in pamphlets and newspapers. Many Jacobins were members of the bourgeoisie, but Marat was also a vocal supporter of the Sans-Culottes, who represented Paris's working poor. He acted as their leader, and advocated their idealistic, patriotic ideas.
Fig. 7; an extract from the Times newspaper.
Aug. 2nd, 1793, p.3. The Times Digital Archive.
This shows the political capital of coloured garments in the highly charged Corday-Marat case.
Marat was murdered in 1793 by Charlotte Corday, a radical Girondist sympathiser on the other side of the Revolution debate. After callously stabbing him in his bathtub, she did not make any attempt to flee, and was executed four days later. His legacy lived on, and he became a martyr figure for the Jacobins and Sans-Culottes.
Fig. 8; The Death of Marat
by Jacques-Louis David, 1793.
When Corday stood trial for Marat's murder, she wore a rose pink fichu and a black hat with green ribbons. Fig. 7 shows the political currency attached to her clothing, and shows the impact of fashion and scarves on eighteenth-century society. After Marat's death, he was commemorated in Jacques-Louis David's famous painting, The Death of Marat (Fig. 8). The turban that Marat was wearing at the time of his death is a focal point of the piece, and influenced a late-eighteenth-century fad for fichus a la Marat (see Fig. 9, below).
Fig. 9; Portrait of a Young Woman
by Jacques-Louis David, c. 1800.
This shows a young woman wearing a 'fichu a la Marat', in the style of that depicted in Fig. 8.
Modesty
A handkerchief is a square cloth, normally folded into a triangle. In the twenty-first century, a handkerchief is an archaic garment which is normally used for ornamental purposes as a pocket-square in a man's formal suit; it is also a cloth used for personal hygiene purposes. In the eighteenth century, they were normally worn by women, "draped around the neck to conceal a low neckline". (A Bold Stroke for a Wife, p. 913) The idea that a scarf would 'conceal' a woman's breasts suggests a secret sort of treasure, reinforcing the idea that clothing, in many of its forms, serves to titillate and arouse curiosity. Fashion is a common trope of Centlivre's comedy, which satirically derides the social connotations attached to various trends of the time.
Handkerchiefs were usually made of silk or linen, and later on in the century, cotton. Wealthier women would probably have white handkerchiefs, whereas poorer women would wear a dark one, so as to hide any dirt. Swift observes in his poem A Lady's Dressing Room: "Nor be the Handkerchiefs forgot / All varnish'd o'er with Snuff and Snot." (ll. 48-50). His satirical poem expresses Strephon's revulsion at the filthy state of Celia's dressing room, using grotesque images of bodily functions. Reminding us not to forget the handkerchief shows both how it was an intrinsic accessory to a woman's outfit at this time, as well as showing how they hide a multitude of disgusting smears. In saying 'varnish'd o'er', we are reminded of the handkerchief, and scarf's, essential purpose: to conceal a woman's sins.
They were commonly light in colour, thus representing purity which could be cast off or soiled, such as in Dennis's play, The invader of his country: "The conquering Coriolanus comes this way / ... Matrons flung Gloves, / Virgins their Handkerchiefs and Silken Scarfs / Upon him as he pass'd." (2.2) Coriolanus, a powerful and respected military leader, is apparently worth virgins sacrificing their chastity: this is expressed through the laying down of their virtuous token. In removing a handkerchief or scarf, the breasts would be revealed, inviting Coriolanus, or any worthy man, to touch her sexually.
Fig. 10; an extract from the London Journal.
18 Mar. 1721. Issue LXXXVI. London, England.
This extract describes a procession of nude girls assembling at the King's Court.
Such a specifically virtuous connotation was bound to lead to its subversion, and association with eroticism. Fig. 10 is a description of girls being assembled in the King's Court in 1721, during the reign of King George I. Here, the silk scarf, in preserving the girl's modesty by presumably obscuring her genitals, actually serves as a garment of titillation, thus subverting its original purpose. In an image reminiscent of Eve in the Garden of Eden, wearing leaves to cover her body, a 'silk scarf... was passed betwixt her legs'. An anonymous misogynistic text entitled, The world's infection. Or A relation of the monstrous and abominable sin of women being Adamiani partly: that is, with their naked breasts and outstretched necks, like the wanton dames of Zion was published in 1700, in Edinburgh. It berates the curse "which made Eve so Ashamed, that she was obliged to cover her self with a Beasts Skin, who had her Body and Breasts Graced before with a Scarf of Innocence." (6) The handkerchief was thus associated with protecting a woman's virtue, by covering the erotic area of the breasts; not only does it indicate innocence, but it is actually imbibed with it. This protective quality is demonstrated by Mrs. Lovely in A Bold Stroke for a Wife, as she claims that, "Your maid Tabitha wore a handkerchief, and yet he made the Saint a sinner." (2.2.33-35). Here, Tabitha's autonomy is a lesser power than the handkerchief she wore, and even then, she sinned and compromised her virtue. Centlivre's treatment of this ideology is satirical: she implicitly expresses ridicule that a simply garment like a handkerchief has any value in affecting one's promiscuity, a covert advocation of women's rights and female sexual autonomy.
Buffon(t)
Fig. 11;a graph charting the frequency of the term 'buffont' between 1700 and 1850.
Artemis Primary Sources.
This graph shows how buffonts entered the English consciousness in the late eighteenth century, but grew in popularity in the nineteenth century. As evident, it was a rarely used term, and would have been more frequently found in French texts.
A buffon(t) was a larger kind of fichu, known in France as a fichu menteur - roughly translated as a "damn liar" in English, though obviously not a direct transcription - showing the social connotations associated with women covering up and concealing their bosom and neck area. In alignment with preserving their sexual modesty, this area of the body was covered, hiding any red flushes associated with sexual arousal that would give their attraction away. A kind of pigeon-breast swollen effect was created by using starch and wire to hold the garment in place. The OED notes variations of 'bouffante', meaning 'espèce de guimpe gaufrée que potaient autrefois les femmes', loosely translated in English as a waffle, cross-weaved kind of stitch used on the scarf-like garment itself.
Head-scarves, head-wraps and head-dresses have long held religious and racially motivated cultural connotations and appropriations, and today are still the subject of discussions and protests. In the eighteenth century, the slave trade was a lucrative industry, and there were certain aesthetic standards expected of African women in slavery.
Fig. 13; Portrait of Servant Woman
by Francois Beaucourt, 1786.
A recent project found that over six million slaves were exported in the eighteenth century from Africa across the notorious 'middle passage' to the Americas; two and a half million of these were transported on British ships and one million on French ships. (Kobayashi). Many slaves were shipped from Africa to the United States. A tignon is a word that originated in the Louisiana French dialect, and denotes a "handkerchief worn as a turban head-dress by Creole women." (OED) The 'tignon laws' of 1786 - the year when Fig. 13 was painted - prescribed standards of public dress for black women in colonial society. Passed in the state of Louisiana by Governor Esteban Rodriguez Miró, after the Spain's acquisition of the state in 1763, they designated that, among other prohibitive standards, free black women must cover their hair; furthermore, '"excessive attention to dress" would be considered evidence of misconduct, and free women of color were forbidden to wear plumes and jewellery in their hair. Henceforth, the headdress for this class of women would be the tignon, a kerchief which bound the hair.' (Everett 34) Their hair was often braided and adorned with jewellery which attracted the attention of white suitors. Thus, to maintain their lower legal and social status in the established hierarchy, and avoid prohibited concubinage, they were limited to fashions which diminished their magnetic exoticism. A tignon was a head-covering, made from one or several scarves, and wrapped and knotted around the head to hold the hair as a marker of their social subservience.
Fig. 14; a modern tutorial on how to emulate eighteenth-century enslaved women's headwraps (tignons).
Colour was the most striking marker of social status, as reflected in Jefferson's Notes on the State of Virginia, as he observes that, 'The first difference that strikes us is that of colour. Whether the black of the negro resides in the reticular membrane between the skin and the scarf skin, or in the scarf skin itself'. (p. 252-3). Fig. 15 (below) has garnered attention in recent years for its peculiar subjects, and what was, at the time, a juxtapositional arrangement of a mixed-race and a white woman, seemingly on equal terms. Dido is the subject of a 2013 film named Belle, focusing on her story as a black woman of society in eighteenth-century England. The scarf on her head has been called a tignon as well as a turban, each denotation drawing a different meaning. Many art historians believe that Dido's pointed gesture to her cheek is a reference to her skin colour; Amma Asante, the director of Belle, discussed how the painting was the inspiration for the film: "You see a biracial girl, a woman of colour, who's depicted slightly higher than her white counterpart. She's staring directly out, with a very confident eye. This painting flipped tradition and everything the eighteenth century told us about portraiture." (Jeffries). The painting demonstrates how tignons were appropriated by free women, and used to subvert their original purpose: instead of dulling one's appearance, they became decorative and ornamental fashionable garments. Dido is even depicted wearing a feather in her tignon, which was prohibited by the 'tignon laws'.
Fig. 15; Portrait of Dido Elizabeth Belle Lindsay (1761-1804) and her cousin Lady Elizabeth Murray (1760-1825).
by Johann Zoffany, c. 1778.
It has been noted that enslaved men also wore scarves as part of their uniform, with 'those men who worked in the plantation house [in America wearing] a cravat with their suit. A fugitive slave notice published in the Savannah Gazette on November 1, 1787, described Adam wearing a black coat with a green silk waistcoat and a black cravat. The black cravat would have been unusual for fashionable dress of the period; however, for the enslaved man it might have been the only fabric he had to wrap around his beck or a sartorial symbol of individualism expressed through his clothing.' (Hunt-Hurst, 199) Thus, we can see how both men and women who were enslaved subverted the prohibitive nature of their uniformed scarves, and used them to express their own fashions.
Cravats
Fig. 16;a graph charting the frequency of the term 'cravat' between 1700 and 1800.
Artemis Primary Sources.
Modern neck- and bow-ties are descendants of the cravat, a style of neckband which originated in the seventeenth century and gained popularity in the eighteenth. They were first worn by a faction of the Habsburg army known as the Croats, who, in the seventeenth century, wore scarves around their necks. During the Thirty Years' War they mixed with the French, who liked their scarves and adopted it into their own sartorial discourse. "Cravat" is an etymological progression from the French for "Croat". They were initially worn for hygienic reasons, such as covering soiled shirts; they also served as a form of psychological protection of the neck, during battle. Its ostensibly protective nature is mentioned in the tenth book of The Odyssey, when we see a 'Scarf that protects him from Circe, this is the Scarf that delivers him from the storm, from Polypheme, from Hell.' (Fenton) Thus, we can delineate the gendered reasons behind wearing a scarf in the eighteenth century. For both men and women, they promote a kind of inner strength: male courage on the battlefield, and the resistance of temptation for women.
Fig. 17; an eighteenth-century diagram showing various ways to wear a cravat.
American Revolution
Steinkerk cravat
Fig. 18; Tenth Regiment of Foot, at the Battle of Steenkerque, 3rd August 1692.
by Madeley, 1692.
The Battle of Steinkerk was fought in August 1692, during the Nine Years' War between France and a British-Dutch-German alliance, led by William of Orange. The battle was fought in Steenkerque, which in 1692 was part of the Southern Netherlands; it is now included in the Belgian municipality of Braine-le-Comte. During the battle, as the story goes, the 'French officers were so taken by surprise [by the British] that they had no time to prepare their elaborate toilets; so they hurriedly threw their cravats about their necks, gave them a twist or two to secure them, pulled the ends through a button hole and rushed forward to meet the English. Their victory immediately set the new style of tie, the steinkirk.' (Lester 215)
Fig. 19; an extract from Accessories of Dress: An Illustrated Encyclopedia.
by Katherine Lester and Bess Viola Oerke.
Fig. 20; Portrait of Charles-Alexandre de Calonne (1734-1802)
by Louise Élisabeth Vigée Le Brun, 1784.
King Louis XVI's cravat
This cravat was worn by Louis during his imprisonment in the Temple. It was auctioned by Philippe Rouillac, who explained that, "It was worn as a jabot [frill], after being knotted several times around the neck, and could also be tied at the same time around the neck and the waist, with the material going up the back." (Scotsman) The garment was given by Louis to a builder named Vincent, who was imprisoned with Louis and was later executed. After doing the King a favour in his final days, by copying his defence and smuggling a copy secretly to the Queen, Vincent asked the King for a memento as he was being led to the scaffold; Louis untied his cravat and gave it to him. The cravat was later passed down through Vincent's family, until a familial dispute in 2004 prompted them to sell it.
Fig. 21;a scarf worn by King Louis XVI during his imprisonment; it was auctioned on the anniversary of his death, on January 21, 2004.
White muslin, 160x76cm, yellowed and badly darned - possibly by Marie-Antoinette.
This final episode in Louis' life was recorded by his personal valet Jean-Baptiste Cléry (1759-1809), who recorded the events in a journal, published in 1798. The journal was popular, and led to his being knighted by Louis XVII. Of the cravat, he wrote that, "The Commissioner, Vincent, a builder, who had rendered every service in his power to the Royal Family, undertook to convey a copy of it secretly to the Queen. When the King was thanking him for executing this little commission, he availed himself of the opportunity to ask His Majesty for something which he might keep as having belonged to him. The King untied his cravat, and made him a present of it." (Cléry, 200).
Death
Scarves were used in various ways around the time of a death, whether to mourn one or to instigate one. Black crepe was the expected mourning garb of both men and women in the eighteenth century, worn in different ways. O'Keeffe's 1783 play, The dead alive has the undertaker cheerily saying, "Hearse---mourning-coaches---scarfs---pall." Um---ay---if the cash was plenty this might turn out a pretty, sprightly funeral." (2.1) This shows that scarves were an intrinsic and accepted garment to be worn and seen at funerals. For the deceased themselves, scarves were also worn in the form of shrouds and hoods, during executions. The character of Elwina, in Percy, a Tragedy, wraps the murdered Percy in 'the scarf', calling it, 'his winding Sheet---I'll wrap him in it... see I've drest him.' (5.1) The scarf is a trope throughout the play, first given as a token of friendship and being passed around characters and their affairs until it reaches its final resting place here. It tracks the sins of the play, demonstrating its assigned virtue.
Fig. 22; a newspaper extract detailing the expecting mourning dress, on the Court's orders.
St. James's Chronicle or the British Evening Post. Dec. 31, 1765-Jan. 2, 1766.
This extract lists the expected attire of mourning to be worn by men and ladies in court, including details of crepe scarves and cravats.
Figure 22 details the expected mourning dress of both men and women in court. Such standards were only prescribed to the upper-classes, a discourse reflected in Diaper's 1713 satirical poem An Imitation of the Seventeenth Epistle of the First Book of Horace; 'A wretch made for a Country Life, / True to his Pulpit and his Wife, / Who all his Pride and Grandeur shews / In Funeral Scarff and Hatband-Rose; Could not Dress or Manners fashion / To suit with any higher Station.' (91-96) Though the black uniform of a funeral invites the notion that one could blend in easily, Diaper makes it clear that one has to carry themselves with a similarly appropriate demeanour of which such a wretch would not be capable.
Mourning in the military
Figure 23 (below) shows how serving military men in the eighteenth century used scarves as part of their mourning uniform on 'melancholy occasions'. Here is an example of a scarf being worn somewhere other than around one's neck: tied 'round the arm'. This practice has persisted to the present day, in masculinised domains such as on the football pitch - the captain wears a labelled armband, and during times of mourning, the entire team will wear a black armband. Note that Fig. 23 does not require the mourner to show any sartorial indication of mourning other than the armband: they must simply wear their uniform. Perhaps the idea of openly mourning diminishes the aesthetics of strength associated with military dress; furthermore, to reinforce their aesthetic authority, it would be counterproductive for officers to wear all black and blend into a crowd, when the intrinsic purpose of a uniform is to stand out.
Fig. 23; "Advertisements and Notices"
Public Ledger, 4 Nov. 1760.
Women in mourning
For women in mourning, it was a case of engineering an entire outfit representing their sorrow, instead of a simply accessorial scarf. If a woman's husband, especially, had died, then contrary to the men's social code, it was expected that she dedicate her time to mourning, a deeply patriarchal philosophy. The 1765 French publication Ordre Chronologique des Deuils de la Cour (Chronological Order of Mourning of the Court) dictated the sartorial etiquette of courtly mourning. This French social discourse was adopted in England, to a lesser extent. Whereas in France, widows were expected to wait one year and six weeks before returning to court, the Lord Chamberlain and Earl Marshall ordered a maximum of twelve weeks' mourning in England. Ordre specified mourning dress for both men and women. Courtly ladies were expected to wear black wool for their first six months of mourning, followed by a black crepe dress with various muted accessories, including a black crepe shawl and, in some cases, a black crepe headdress. In the case of mourning, the scarf returned to its functional purpose: to cover flesh, whilst going unnoticed in a plain outfit where the effect is in the whole.
Scarves that kill
Executions in the eighteenth century were a public spectacle, with high entertainment value. Methods of capital punishment varied, but hanging and beheading were the most common. It was customary to cover the face of the condemned, affording the prisoner a final moment of relative peace and privacy. Whether or not they covered their face was usually the prisoner's choice, but in some cases one would not possess an obstructive garment, like a hood or a bonnet with a veil - probably because they could not afford one. Most suitable scarf-like garments were, in the eighteenth century, made of silk or cotton; these were relatively expensive items, and likely out of a prisoner's economic reach.
The malleable, flexible quality of a scarf, as well as the fact that it was typically worn on the neck, lent itself to strangulation. In Arden of Faversham, based on a true story, 'Black Will throws a scarf over Arden's head, in order to strangle him'. The garrotte is an evolved, more sophisticated version of this. Its essential criteria is a form of ligature, used to strangle. It was introduced as a method for civilian executions in the early nineteenth century in Spain, and involved tying the prisoner to a post and then placing a collar around the neck, which was rapidly tightened, strangling the prisoner to death.
Fig. 24; Arden's death scene in Arden of Faversham.
Scarves, slings and bandages
The etymology of the English word 'scarf' can be traced back to Old Northern French; it is derived from the French word 'escarpe', meaning a sash or a sling for an injured arm, or a 'pilgrim's scrip suspended from the neck'. 'Scarf' did not enter the English vernacular until the mid-sixteenth-century, showing that the item's original denotation was functional. Kemble's play Love in many masks (1790) demonstrates the scarf's medical usage, as Antonio enters with 'his arm in a scarf', asking why was attacked 'basely, without allowing time for my defence.' Similarly, in Colman's Philaster (1763), Bellario enters and states that, 'To stay the Loss of Blood I did bind on this Scarf.'
Fig. 25; Mrs. Sarah Mapp.
by George Cruikshank c. 1820.
She is holding a bone, in reference to her profession.
Eighteenth-century medicine still lacked anaesthetic, and the resetting of an arm was a violent, excruciating process which involved significant restraint and was generally undertaken by strong men, often blacksmiths. Mrs. Sarah 'Crazy Sally' Mapp (see Fig. 25) was a notorious and rare female 'bone-setter', a proponent of what is now known as 'Quack Medicine' and the subject of a comedy play entitled, The Husband's Relief" or "The Female Bone-setter and the Worm Doctor at Lincoln Fields Playhouse in 1736; it has been impossible to source the text, which suggests that it has been lost. Arm injuries and the subsequent recovery was notorious as a rudimentary procedure. There was alternative treatment to a manual repair, but it required machinery, and therefore, payment. Whilst manual bone-setters such as Mapp were prevalent in the early eighteenth century, they were soon outrun by the influx of machinery which did their job for them (and did it better!)
Fig. 26; an illustration of a bone being reset.
by Lorenz Heister, 1743.
Lorenz Heister's illustration in 'A General System of Surgery'
After the procedure, a sling was worn by the patient to hold the healing bone in place, much like modern slings today. It was (and is) worn suspended form the neck on one side, with the injured arm inside, resting at a perpendicular angle. The sling allows the patient to maintain as normal a daily life as possible, whilst in recovery, by enabling the arm to relax.
Heister, a famously innovative physician, recommends suspending a fractured arm in a scarf or sling, hung from the neck.
Later on, in the nineteenth century, the sling as we know it today was invented by Friedrich von Esmarch, a surgical professor at the University of Kiel in Germany (see Fig. 28). His prototype 'Dreieckstück' or 'triangular piece' was, 'a piece of cotton twice as long at the base as along the sides, which can be folded in numerous ways to act as a dressing or sling.' (Manring) Jacob Hildebrand mentions the sling in Epigram V of The Works (1735), where he questions, 'Yet in a Sling you bear your Arm? The Duel, Friend, was close, and warm, Nor is my Wound so very slight.' The sling reveals weakness, showing that perhaps the aforementioned use of scarves to soak up blood and aid injuries is also in keeping with men's social agenda: to show strength.
Fig. 28; Esmarch's prototype bandage.
mid-nineteenth century
Industry
Fig. 29; an embroidered cashmere shawl, made by hand in Kashmir, India in 1780.
During the eighteenth century, textiles were the most lucrative industry in an increasingly consumerist Britain. The growing industrial presence mechanised the process of milling and weaving materials, paving the way for mass production of fabrics, and therefore, clothes. Cotton, silk and wool were the primary materials used to make scarves; the materials were imported from various international shores, with India being the primary source for silk and cotton. With this increased trade came subsidiary tangents of the textile industry: spinning, dyeing and weaving all played an important role in the production of high-quality fabrics. Fabrics and clothing were advertised in printed newspapers and periodicals, with merchants peddling goods to as many consumers as possible. Consumerism pervaded the masses, and demand for fashion grew exponentially through the century.
Fig. 30; a map showing trade industry routes in the eighteenth century.
Silk
Advertisements in newspapers demonstrate the growing industry of mass production, a capitalist system encouraged by increased freedom of import and export. Silk was the most prevalent material of which scarves were made, and the most valuable, over cotton or wool. Thus, it was silk scarves and handkerchiefs that were stolen most frequently, too. Though the Industrial Revolution somewhat dulled the fashion for luxury materials, because they did not hold up well in dirty, smoky factories, it was primarily the lower working classes who were affected: those who could afford silk could also afford not to work as a manual labourer.
Fig. 31; the notebook of designer James Leman (1688-1745), from the V&A Museum, dated 1710/11.
Some patterns to be printed on fine silk woven cloth, a process which was facilitated by the invention of the semple.
Equipment
The textile industry evolved as the Industrial Revolution gained momentum. The loom, an essential part of weaving apparatus, was bolstered by the designer Phillipe de Lasalle's invention of a semple, 'a key part of the mechanism that controlled the pattern woven on an individual loom. Lasalle's device could be transferred from one loom to another, without having to program the pattern a second time." (Watt) The development of this equipment continued throughout the eighteenth century, and the Jacquard loom was produced in 1801: this could be "programmed to weave even more complex patterned textiles without the aid of a second worker.' (Watt) The Industrial Revolution was a catalyst for streamlining the textile industry, improving its efficiency and its output.
Geography
Silk was, and still is, one of India's primary industries. It is harvested from silkworms, which thrive in the Indian climate. It was exported to Europe and then weaved. The silk-weaving industry originated in the Tours region of France in the fifteenth century. Only 200 kilometres from Paris, it was the ideal location to provide luxury goods to the court. King Louis XIV (1643-1715) promulgated an overhaul of the French textile industry, resulting in the relocation of its centre to Lyon, previously an important trade centre for merchants importing Italian textiles. A 1790 memoir decried the working conditions for weavers, suggesting that, 'Even if one considers silk workers only as mechanical instruments in the manufacture of cloth, abstracted from their quality as men; even if they are treated as domestic animals, they must still be given subsistence if one does not want soon to be frustrated of their work!' (Monnet, 26). Weaving was not the only silk craft: spinning and dyeing were important subsidiaries. Louis XIV's 1685 revocation of the Edict of Nantes - a treaty signed in 1598, granting Huguenots (French Protestants) substantial rights in the Catholic nation - led to a mass exodus of Huguenots to England. Many of them gathered in Spitalfields, in east London, and the area became famous for its fine dress silks (the notebook in Fig. 30 was designed by Leman in Spitalfields).
Advertisements in newspapers demonstrate the growing industry of mass production, a capitalist system encouraged by increased freedom of import and export. Silk was the most prevalent material of which scarves were made, and the most valuable, over cotton or wool. Thus, it was silk scarves that were stolen most frequently, too.
Coffee-houses - places to see people and to be seen - were places of exchange. Being seen buying a silk scarf was indicative of one's wealth and purchasing power, thus giving the scarf a form of social capital. Figure 31 offers a viewing of silk at a "warehouse in Swithin's Lane", showing not only the high calibre of such a material but also suspicion surrounding its quality. This suggests that the silk industry endured corruption or counterfeit as it gained prominence in eighteenth-century Britain. Fig. 31 lists silks sourced from various eastern countries: Bengal, Calabria, Piedmont, Second Orfoy, Bergam and China, suggesting that consumers who go and view the goods before purchasing them will be able to differentiate between the materials.
Fig. 32; "Advertisements and Notices."
Daily Post, 14 Oct. 1740.
A broker's list of items for sale, which could be viewed at a warehouse.
Cotton
Fig. 33; "Arts and Culture".
Bell's Weekly Messenger. 6 Apr. 1800.
Scarves designed for women, and specifically mothers, were often made of a plain cotton, usually off-white in colour, or else dyed to a pure white. Muslin cloth was, and still is today, a popular type of scarf used for swaddling babies. Muslin was first made in Mosul (originally northern Mesopotamia, now northern Iraq), and developed etymologically from its birthplace: the word is rooted in the French 'mousseline', a seventeenth-century term. Its social capital has reduced since its conception; in the thirteenth century, 'mosulin' in French meant "cloth of silk and gold". Its contemporary meaning, a commonplace cotton fabric, was first denoted in 1872 American English. (OED)
Fig. 34; fragment of draped court apparel.
from eighteenth-century India, Rajasthan or Northern Deccan.
block printed with gold leaf on cotton muslin.
Mass production of cotton can be attributed to the muslin's social transition. The industry was discussed in Patrick Colquhoun's 1788 pamphlet, An important crisis in the callico and muslin manufactory in Great Britain. The text analyses the tension between imports of cotton and the need for home-grown manufacturers in Britain.
Fig. 35; An important crisis in the callico and muslin manufactory in Great Britain, explained.
by Patrick Colquhoun, 1788.
The Industrial Revolution was in motion by the late eighteenth century, increasing production and profits exponentially. The gross return, after raw materials and labour, was over 'seven million pounds sterling' in 1788, according to Colquhoun. He notes that the mills provide employment, in spinning alone, to 'about twenty-six thousand men, thirty-one thousand women, and fifty-three thousand children.' The text provides a general overview of the countries of import: British Islands, French and Spanish settlements, Dutch settlements, Portuguese settlements, the East Indies, and Turkey. The discourse of Colquhoun's treatise is familiar in the present day: the debate for and against immigrants taking jobs seemingly transcends time. Nevertheless, it is undeniable that the textile industry helped many thousands of British workers.
Colour
Colour holds many symbolic and appropriated connotations. Red can represent love, sex, and the devil; white normally represents purity and innocence. Different colours hold varying levels of social capital; for instance, the royal purple used by Dairy Milk in the present day is a distinct choice to connote their chocolate with the highest social class, and concomitantly, the 'best' taste, whereas in the eighteenth century, yellow was a royal colour, as demonstrated in The Imperial Epistle from Kien Long, Emperor of China, to George the Third, King of Great Britain, in 1794, where he personifies 'the scarf of yellow's proud imperial hue'. (ll 74-5.) The scarf becomes an embodiment of patriotic, imperialist pride, imbibed with social capital.
The eighteenth-century scarf was subverted to evoke erotic desire in both life and literature. When this occurred, the scarf was often a red or crimson colour, such as in Richard Blackmore's epic poem Eliza: 'His vig'rous Limbs in burnish'd Armour drest: / A Crimson Scarf, with Golden Fringes grac'd, / Eliza's Gift, adorn'd his comely Wast.' (ll. 205-7) Here, the image of the scarf is like a ribbon adorning a present. Red can also denote danger, suggesting that Eliza should perhaps be cautious when entering this sexual relationship; the danger is that she would lose her virtue. Blackmore wrote the poem in 1705, one of several political epics: it denounced John Radcliffe, a Jacobite physician.
In the eighteenth century, Indian cottons were dyed indigo and called 'blue goods' in English and 'guinée' in French. These fabrics were used as 'an important exchange medium in the trade with African brokers, especially by Arab traders. In the Senegal River region, Indian textiles replaced an earlier currency of locally woven textiles and were established as a new regional currency in the late-eighteenth century.' (Kobayashi) In his Travels of Africa, S. M. X. Golberry noted that indigo's distinct smell guaranteed its inimitable authenticity as currency.
In his Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, the author describes a slave's uniform: 'It generally consists of a long piece of callico, or muslin, wrapped loosely around the body, somewhat in the form of a highland plaid. This is usually dyed blue, which is our favourite colour. It is extracted from a berry, and is brighter and richer than any I have seen in Europe.' (15) Like with the tignon, the small freedom of dyeing their garments with their favourite colour brings happiness, leading to a positive association with the colour blue.
Fig. 36; the frontispiece and title page for The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano or Gustavus Vassa, the African.
first published in 1789.
Although the document is in grey-scale, Equiano is sporting a cravat.
Value
Fig. 37; An important crisis in the callico and muslin manufactory in Great Britain, explained.
by Patrick Colquhoun, 1788.
Thievery and crookery were lucrative industries on the other end of the eighteenth-century social spectrum. With a cotton industry worth at least £1,200,000 a year to the United Kingdom in 1788 (see Fig. 37), approximately £68 million in today's money, it was bound to be paralleled by a black market of stolen goods such as 'Manteau's, Scarfs, and Hoods, And other Valuable Goods.' (Smith, The Fable of the Doctor, and Patient with Sore Eyes, ll 176-177). John Gay's The Beggar's Opera focuses on this industry, with the overtly cratylically named Crook-fingered Jack stealing, after 'A year and a half in the service... Six dozen of handkerchiefs, four silver-hilted swords, half a dozen of shirts, three tye-perriwigs, and a piece of broad cloth.' (Peachum, 1.3) For Gay's thieves, the prerogative was quantity, not quality, in order to appeal to the century's consumerist masses. The characters observe the behavioural patterns of their customers, noting that, 'The Gentlemen always pay according to their Dress, from half a Crown to two Guineas'. (Trap., 3.6).
Fig. 38; "Advertisements and Notices." Morning Post, 1795.
Fig. 39 offers a range of silk garments, 'with any Size or Price... from rich Brocades of 7 Guineas Price, to Thread Sattin Gowns of 37 s,' whilst Edward Ward's The London Spy offers a range of clothing: 'Fine Lace or Linnen, Sir, / Good Gloves or Ribbons here; / What is't you please to Buy-Sir? / Pray what d'ye ask for this? / Ten Shillings is the Price.' (ll. 1-5) According to the National Archives, ten shillings is now worth approximately thirty pounds - a rather princely sum for a ribbon. The speaker then turns his attention to the lady of the poem, asking, 'Madam, what is't you want, / Rich Fans of India Paint? / Fine Hoods or Scars, my Lady? / Silk Stockins will you Buy, / In Grain or other Dye?' (ll. 8-11). He makes no mention of money now that he is addressing the woman directly, showing the patriarchal nature of eighteenth-century consumerism: it was the man's job to pay.
Fig. 39; "Advertisements and Notices." The Spectator, 1711.
Annotated bibliography
Primary sources
Anonymous, Arden of Faversham, in Norton Anthology of English Renaissance Drama, ed. by Julia Reidhead, (New York: Norton, 2002)
The play was based on the true story of Thomas Arden's murder, showing how the use of a scarf as an execution device was relevant and recognisable in the contemporary awareness both in society and on the stage.
Anonymous, extract from the London Journal (Fig. 10). 18 Mar. 1721. Issue LXXXVI. London, England. Accessed 12 Mar. 2017 via Artemis Primary Sources.
This source was useful because it demonstrated the public acceptance of scarves' eroticism.
Anonymous, extract from the Times newspaper (Fig. 7). 2 Aug. 1793, p.3. The Times Digital Archive. Accessed 12 Mar. 2017 via Artemis Primary Sources.
This source was useful because it showed the outrage expressed by supporters of Marat who were offended by something as ostensibly trivial as the colour of her clothing, showing the political significance of colour.
Anonymous, extract from St. James's Chronicle or the British Evening Post. (Fig. 22) Dec. 31, 1765- Jan. 2, 1766. 17th and 18th Century Burney Collection. Web. Accessed 12 Mar. 2017 via Artemis Primary Sources.
This article was useful because it showed that mourners in the Court were expected to wear scarves, thus showing that they were part of the upper class's 'uniform'.
Anonymous, "Advertisements and Notices." Public Ledger. (Fig. 23). 4 Nov. 1760. 17th and 18th Century Burney Collection. Web. Accessed 8 Mar. 2017 via Artemis Primary Sources.
This article showed that scarves were not only worn on the neck: they could be worn ornamentally on the arm by men.
Anonymous, The world's infection. Or A relation of the monstrous and abominable sin of women being Adamiani partly: that is, with their naked breasts and outstretched necks, like the wanton dames of Zion. Web. <http://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/eebo/A67074.0001.001/1:1?rgn=div1;view=fulltext> Web. Accessed 16 Mar. 2017. Edinburgh, 1700.
This misogynistic text was useful because it demonstrated an extreme view evidently held by some in the eighteenth century. It aligned with the repressed gendered connotations of the scarf, and based its argument on Eve's original sin.
Anonymous, "Arts and Culture". Bell's Weekly Messenger (Fig. 33). 6 Apr. 1800.17th and 18th Century Burney Collection. Accessed 8 Mar. 2017 via Artemis Primary Sources.
This prescriptive article includes scarves as part of a woman's expected morning dress, showing how the upper classes had set standards for fashion and clothing.
Anonymous, "Advertisements and Notices." Daily Post, (Fig. 32). 14 Oct. 1740. 17th and 18th Century Burney Collection, Accessed 8 Mar. 2017 via Artemis Primary Sources.
The list of scarves for sale, alongside an invitation to view them before purchase, shows the wealthy market at whom this merchant is aiming his advertisement.
Anonymous, "Advertisements and Notices." The Spectator, (Fig. 39), 1711. 17th and 18th Century Burney Collection. Accessed 8 Mar. 2017 via Artemis Primary Sources.
This source specifies the price of a silk scarf, locating them in the contemporary economy.
Anonymous,"Mary Harrison was indicted for stealing a quantity of Persian, a mussin handkerchief." Times (Fig. 38), 29 Oct. 1790, p. 3. The Times Digital Archive, tinyurl.galegroup.com/tinyurl/4Y3nc5. Accessed 17 Mar. 2017 via Artemis Primary Sources.
This source demonstrates how handkerchiefs were commonly stolen in the eighteenth century.
Blackmore, Richard, Sir. "Eliza: An Epick Poem" in The Poetical Works of Sir R. Blackmore: Containing Creation; a Philosophical Poem in Seven Books. London: C. Cooke, 1797.
This poem is a political allegory of the political events in the early eighteenth century. Blackmore's use of colour indicates what he perceives as a current political danger, showing the coding behind garments' colours.
Centlivre, Susanna, A Bold Stroke for a Wife, in The Broadview Anthology of Restoration & Early Eighteenth-Century Drama, ed. by J. Douglas Canfield (Peterborough, Ont.: Broadview, 2001)
Centlivre satirises the British obsession with French fashion in the eighteenth century, as well as exemplifying the virtuous connotations associated with handkerchiefs.
Cléry, Jean-Baptiste Cant Hanet, and Bromfield, James. Journal of what passed in the Temple Prison during the captivity of Louis the XVI., 1792-3. Translated from the original edition, and prefaced by J. Bromfield. London: British Library, 2011.
Rumours and myths about historical artefacts can spread without certification: this journal validates Vincent's account of Louis' scarf , and so justifies the socio-economic capital of the cravat.
Colman, George. Philaster, in The New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971.
This play was useful because it supports the idea that scarves were used as medical bandages.
Colquhoun, Patrick. An important crisis in the callico and muslin manufactory in Great Britain, explained. Web. <tinyurl.galegroup.com/tinyurl/4VSJKX> Accessed 8 Mar. 2017. 1788.
This text was hugely useful in proving the importance of the textile industry to Britain's economy, as well as providing concrete numerical data to support the claims.
Delany, Mary, and Augusta Hall. Autobiography and Correspondence of Mary Granville, Mrs Delany: With Interesting Reminiscences of King George the Third and Queen Charlotte. Vol. 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011.
This showed the absorption of 'fichu' into British sartorial discourse in the eighteenth century.
Dennis, John, and William Shakespeare. The invader of his country: or The fatal resentment. London: Cornmarket P., 1720.
This play, an adaptation of Coriolanus, showed how handkerchiefs acted as a physical proxy for the concept of virginity.
Diaper, William. An Imitation of the Seventeenth Epistle of the First Book of Horace. London: British Library, 1714.
Diaper's text exemplifies the idea of a 'wolf in sheep's clothing': one cannot simply wear a costume, you must appropriate the expected behaviours, customs and demeanour that goes with the discourse. This helped to show the cultural capital of scarves.
Equiano, Olaudah. The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, The African. Web. <http://www.hh-bb.com/equiano.pdf> Accessed 16 Mar. 2017. 1789.
This narrative was useful because it explained a method of dyeing fabric, as well as demonstrating the emotional connection of coloured clothing, especially within enslavement.
Fauconnier, Mlle, and Palissot de Montenoy, Charles. Ordre chronologique des deuils de la cour: qui contient un pr´cis de la vie et des ouvrages des auteurs qui sont morts dans le cours de l'année 1765; suivi d'Une observation sur les deuils. Paris: de l'imprimerie de Moreau, 1766.
This text was extremely useful in demonstrating the broad French influence upon English social customs.
Fenton, Elijah (trans.) and Homer. The tenth book of the Odyssey in Gillespie, Stuart, "Translations from Greek and Latin classics, Part 2: 1701–1800: a revised bibliography." Translation and Literature 18.2 (2009): 181-224.
This was useful in demonstrating the scarf's archaic attribute of protection.
Garrick, David. The Sick Monkey: A Fable in The Plays of David Garrick: Garrick's own plays, 1740-1766. Vol. 1. Carbondale: SIU Press, 1980.
This quotation shows the prominence of scarves in institutional uniforms, such as the clergy, thus showing how they were present in eighteenth-century public awareness.
This was useful because it was an eyewitness account on how textiles were so prevalent and striking that they were used as an idiosyncratic currency.
Heister, Lorenz. A General System of Surgery. London: Innys, 1743. (Fig. 26, Fig. 27)
This gave useful medical advice and illustrations on how to treat a broken or fractured arm - using a scarf to help recover.
Hildebrand, Jacob. 'Epigram V.' The Works. London: Lewis, 1735.
This was useful because it showed how, when worn out of choice, scarves could denote a man's strength, but when worn as a medical sling, it signified physical weakness.
Jefferson, Thomas. "Query XIV", in Notes on the State of Virginia; written in the year 1781, somewhat corrected and enlarged in the winter of 1782, for the use of a Foreigner of distinction, in answer to certain queries proposed by him respecting Its boundaries. Paris, 1784.
Jefferson noted the aesthetic differences in skin colour, showing how unexposed many eighteenth-century people were to people of other ethnicities.
Kemble, John Philip. Love in many masks, in Genest, John. Some Account of the English Stage, from the Restoration in 1660 to 1830: in Ten Volumes. Vol. 1. London: Rodd, 1832.
Kemble's inclusion of a character wearing a sling to show he is injured is an aesthetic, performative proof that the scarf was recognised as a sling as well as a sartorial garment.
Mathias, Thomas James (trans.) and Qianlong, Emperor of China. The Imperial Epistle from Kien Long, Emperor of China, to George the Third, King of Great Britain. Web. <http://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/1050663> Accessed 16 Mar. 2017. 1794.
This text was useful because it showed the imperial connotation of the colour yellow, which was used to dye scarves.
Monnet, Dennis. Mémoire of the silk-weavers of Lyon, 1790, in Longfellow, David L. "Silk Weavers and the Social Struggle in Lyon during the French Revolution, 1789-94." French historical studies 12.1 (1981): 1-40.
This showed how the Industrial Revolution caused the silk industry's workers to experience a reduced quality of life, showing the capitalist ideology behind the textile industry.
More, Hannah, and David Garrick. Percy: A Tragedy. As it is Acted at the Theatre-Royal in Covent-Garden. London: T. Cadell, 1778.
This play used a scarf as a trope on stage. It was used to follow the sins of the characters, climaxing with the protagonist's death. A scarf is a prop which, for the audience, would be easy to follow visually.
This play demonstrates that scarves were expected to be worn at funerals in the eighteenth century.
Shakespeare, William. The Merry Wives of Windsor: With the Amours of Sir John Falstaff. A Comedy. Written by Mr. W. Shakespear. London, 1710.
Shakespeare's popularity in the eighteenth century meant that his plays would be well-known, hence their reproduction in domestic artwork. The muffler, in this play, is used as a comic device for disguise, in keeping with its discourse of concealment.
Swift's satire shows the concealed filthiness that apparently goes on behind closed doors in a woman's bedroom, alluding to a dirty handkerchief as an example of this.
This book was useful because it clearly tracked the trajectory of British fashion, including the various forms of scarf, from the Bronze Age to the eighteenth century.
Cullen, Oriole. "Eighteenth-Century European Dress." In Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000-. (October 2003)
A comprehensive overview of eighteenth century fashion in general.
Everett, Donald E. “Free Persons of Color in Colonial Louisiana.” Louisiana History: The Journal of the Louisiana Historical Association, vol. 7, no. 1, 1966, pp. 21–50.
This article clearly explained the constraints and parameters of the 'tignon laws' of Louisiana.
Lester, Katherine and Oerke, Bess Viola. Accessories of Dress: an Illustrated Encyclopedia. New York: Courier Corporation, 2013.
This book located the cravat in a historical discourse, and made sense of its changing structure.
Jeffries, Stuart. "Dido Belle: the artworld enigma who inspired a movie." The Guardian. May 27 2014, Web.
This article was helpful because it analysed the painting in Fig. 15 from a historical perspective.
José Blanco F., Patricia Kay Hunt-Hurst, Heather Vaughan Lee, Mary Doering. Clothing and Fashion: American Fashion from Head to Toe. Vol. 1. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2015.
This was useful because it gave an example of how fashion invited individualism, particularly as an act of rebellion.
This article was extremely useful because it showed India's central role in the eighteenth-century textile industry, as well as providing a first-hand anecdote on the significance of coloured fabrics.
Manring, M. M. et al. “Treatment of War Wounds: A Historical Review.” Clinical Orthopaedics and Related Research 467.8 (2009): 2168–2191. PMC. Web. 12 Mar. 2017.
Manring's analysis of medical history was helpful because it analysed the sling from an objectively practical, functional perspective, rather than a sartorial view.
This was useful because it showed the negative social consequences and class divide associated with wearing extravagant ruffs.
Watt, Melissa. "Textile Production in Europe: Silk, 1600-1800." in Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000-. (October 2003).
Watt's essay provided detailed information on the restructuring of the French silk industry, and its repercussions on both trade and fashion trends.
Images and videos
Fig. 1;John Gay's The Beggar's Opera, Act 5, by William Hogarth, c.1728. London: Tate Britain.
Fig. 2; Merry Wives of Windsor. Act IV, Scene II. A room in Ford's House. Falstaff in women's clothes led by Mrs. Page, designed by James Durno and engraved by Thomas Ryder, 1801. London: Shakespeare Gallery.
Fig. 3; a graph charting the frequency of the term 'scarf' throughout the eighteenth century. Artemis Primary Sources.
Fig. 4; a graph charting the frequency of the term 'fichu' throughout the eighteenth century. Artemis Primary Sources.
Fig. 6; illustration of Corday in the tumbril on the way to her execution, by Alphonse de Lamartine. History of the Girondists. Paris: Fume et Cie., 1847-1850.
Fig. 7; an extract from the Times newspaper. 2 Aug. 1793, p.3. The Times Digital Archive. Accessed 12 Mar. 2017 via Artemis Primary Sources.
Fig. 8; The Death of Marat, by Jacques-Louis David, 1793. Brussels: Royal Museums of Fine Art of Belgium.
Fig. 9; Portrait of a Young Woman, by Jacques-Louis David, c. 1800. London: National Gallery of Art.
Fig. 10; an extract from the London Journal. 18 Mar. 1721. Issue LXXXVI. London, England.
Fig. 11; a graph charting the frequency of the term 'buffont' between 1700 and 1850.Artemis Primary Sources.
Fig. 12;Mme. Mole Reymond,by Elizabeth Vigee-Lebrun, 1787. Paris: Musée de Louvre.
Fig. 13; Portrait of Servant Woman, by Francois Beaucourt, 1786. Québec: McCord Museum.
Fig. 14; a modern tutorial on how to emulate eighteenth-century enslaved women's headwraps (tignons). Web: Youtube.
Fig. 15; Portrait of Dido Elizabeth Belle Lindsay (1761-1804) and her cousin Lady Elizabeth Murray (1760-1825), by Johann Zoffany, c. 1778. London: Kenwood House.
Fig. 16; a graph charting the frequency of the term 'cravat' between 1700 and 1800. Artemis Primary Sources.
Fig. 17; an eighteenth-century diagram showing various ways to wear a cravat. American Revolution.
Fig. 22; a newspaper extract detailing the expecting mourning dress, on the Court's orders. St. James's Chronicle or the British Evening Post. Dec. 31, 1765-Jan. 2, 1766. 17th and 18th Century Burney Collection, Web. Accessed 12 Mar. 2017 via Artemis Primary Sources.
Fig. 23; "Advertisements and Notices." Public Ledger, 4 Nov. 1760. 17th and 18th Century Burney Collection, Web. Accessed 8 Mar. 2017 via Artemis Primary Sources.
Fig. 31; the notebook of designer James Leman (1688-1745) in 1710/11. London: V&A Museum.
Fig. 32; "Advertisements and Notices." Daily Post, 14 Oct. 1740. 17th and 18th Century Burney Collection, Accessed 8 Mar. 2017 via Artemis Primary Sources.
Fig. 33; "Arts and Culture". Bell's Weekly Messenger. 6 Apr. 1800.17th and 18th Century Burney Collection. Accessed 8 Mar. 2017 via Artemis Primary Sources.
Fig. 34; fragment of draped court appeal from eighteenth-century India, Rajasthan or Northern Deccan. Cleveland: Museum of Art.
Fig. 35; Colquhoun, Patrick. An important crisis in the callico and muslin manufactory in Great Britain, explained. Web. <tinyurl.galegroup.com/tinyurl/4VSJKX> Accessed 8 Mar. 2017. 1788.
Fig. 36; the frontispiece and title page for: Equiano, Olaudah. The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, The African. Web. <http://www.hh-bb.com/equiano.pdf> Accessed 16 Mar. 2017. 1789.
Fig. 37; Colquhoun, Patrick. An important crisis in the callico and muslin manufactory in Great Britain, explained. Web. <tinyurl.galegroup.com/tinyurl/4VSJKX> Accessed 8 Mar. 2017. 1788.
Fig. 38; "Mary Harrison was indicted for stealing a quantity of Persian, a mussin handkerchief." Times, 29 Oct. 1790, p. 3. The Times Digital Archive, tinyurl.galegroup.com/tinyurl/4Y3nc5. Accessed 17 Mar. 2017 via Artemis Primary Sources.
Fig. 39; "Advertisements and Notices." The Spectator, 1711. 17th and 18th Century Burney Collection. <tinyurl.galegroup.com/tinyurl/4VQeM2.> Accessed 8 Mar. 2017 via Artemis Primary Sources.
Oxford English Dictionary definitions
Buffont: ˈbuffon | ˈbuffont, n." OED Online. Oxford University Press, March 2017. Web. 14 March 2017.
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