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Witchcraft

Page history last edited by Leah Clark 7 years ago

According to the Oxford English Dictionary, Witchcraft is “the practices of a witch or witches; the exercise of supernatural power supposed to be possessed by a person in league with the devil or evil spirits” (OED online). In the eighteenth century, the noun proved rather troublesome as it became inseparable from the Salem Witch Trials of the 1690’s. It became a reminder of a fear of Witches that was prevalent in the previous century. Its very existence, affirmation of which would allow justification for such fear, was heavily debated in literature. Entertaining its existence served as a risk of reverting to degenerate thinking and an indulgence of superstition. It stood as a lasting reflection of humanity’s violence, of the capability of making unbeknown mistakes so grave that, even when righteous men and women were condemning witches in the name of God, of which there were a very high number, they executed innocents as servants of the devil.

 


 

“THE AGE OF IGNORANCE” AND BARBARITY (The Bible: what it is, 67)

 

Eighteenth Century beliefs were largely split between the past and the future, rendering its present a hotbed of conflicting opinion. The future school, so to speak, consisted of scientific thought, driven by the Enlightenment and its favour of reason and inquiry over mere acceptance of tradition. Witchcraft sat comfortably in the past; a place of superstition and, to those engaging with the Enlightenment, ignorance. According to Langford, “Enlightenment and established religion together (in England no strange alliance) reinforced middle and upper-class contempt for superstitious practices. It was widely assumed that superstition went with a Papist’s faith, not a Protestant’s” (281). Witchcraft was heavily tied to Catholicism and the uneducated, aiding the upheaval of more Enlightenment-friendly religions like Protestantism, Evangelicalism and Methodism while leaving the Catholic Church and uneducated classes open to ridicule. Witchcraft and superstition were seemingly interchangeable and any who associated with such beliefs were viewed as primitive and in need of reformation. While this may suggest that such superstition would naturally decline, it still persisted throughout the century. Co-author of The Spectator, Joseph Addison, encapsulates this dilemma in one of his issues:

 

In short, when I consider the Question, whether there are such Persons in the World as those we call Witches? my Mind is divided between the two opposite Opinions; or rather (to speak my Thoughts freely) I believe in general that there is, and has been such a thing as Witch-craft; but at the same time can give no Credit to any particular Instance of it. (Addison et al 259)

 

Prejudice and religion aside, the Age of Enlightenment could not completely condemn the previous century as an age of ignorance. It was forced to recognise a phenomena that, although presently in doubt, was a widespread problem. Peasants and Kings alike once diligently upheld its existence, resulting in mass trials and executions, and such action could not simply be ignored or dismissed as the mere folly of predecessors. In fact, a recent article titled “Witches in the dock: 10 of Britain’s most infamous witch trials” claims “there is no doubt that the majority of the population of 18th-century England believed in witchcraft, including many in educated society.”

 

The increasing desire to solve problems with a scientific and objective eye, a method characteristic of the enlightenment era, saw the creation of two divides. One was between the eighteenth century and the past, while the other was separating England and the rest of the world. An intellectual barrier was enforced to prevent outside influence and past barbarity from holding back, or even reversing, the attempted shift from an age of witches and superstition to one of reason and progress. Henry Christmas claims the “enlightened age viewed with horror the fanaticism of pagans and bigots, and gave proof of its own emancipation from the dark and murderous trammels of ignorance and barbarity” (The Cradle of the Twin Giants, 137). A necessity to separate, from a barbarous old age of believing in enchantresses, prophets and magicians, was felt.

 

Not only was there a determination to depict the past discrepancies as part of another, more barbarous, age but there was also a desire to present the population of eighteenth century England as distinctly different in intellect and susceptibility. In Evidences of the Kingdom of Darkness, the section ‘Of Magic’ puts on a brave front when faced with a heavy history of superstition:


Whatever notions our grave ancestors entertained of these matters, we, their more enlightened children and successors, have more elegant and refined ideas: We will take nothing upon trust, nor believe any thing but what is brought home to our senses. We are not to be frightened by witches, spectres, ghosts, and such kind of idle romantic stuff, we leave them to old nurses to quiet their children with. (4)

 

While deeming witchcraft nothing more than bedtime stories, that was far from the reality. All that this text proves, as do others, is a desperation to ridicule and diminish the belief in witches and other such superstition. While witchcraft may have been decreasing, in the sense that accusing someone of practicing witchcraft or being a witch happened less often, or that a lot of the middle and upper class simply ceased believing in it, its influence was stronger than ever. The desperation to eradicate it not only exposes the slow start to the age of Enlightenment - it was a plane yet to be lifted off of the ground - but also the prevalence of its power to incite fear. While those condemning belief in witches were “not to be frightened” by “such idle romantic stuff”, they were indeed frightened or, a more appropriate term would be, shook by the deaths caused from its prominence in the previous century.

 

Rather than dismiss it altogether, an impossible endeavour, witchcraft was adapted to suit the more scientific needs of the era. “Although the manner of operation”, the supernatural aspect of witchcraft, “may seem incomprehensible, should it be thought insuperable to the powers of nature” adds a philosophical tone to the problem (Evidences of the Kingdom of Darkness, 6). It is linked to the probabilities of nature rather than the work of the devil; the possibility of its existence is acknowledged and accepted only in euphemistic terms. Witchcraft is placed as part of the yet-to-be-understood “powers of nature”, deemed “invisible agents who conduct and manage” (arguably an even more childlike rendition of witches' work - perfectly suitable for bedtime reading). This definition made it “entirely agreeable to the doctrine of some of the eminent philosophers” that “there are an infinite number of things in nature too difficult for the acutest human sagacity to develop or explore” (6-7). Encouragement to change the perception of witchcraft was common in publications. Here especially, mention of sin and punishment is avoided, the devil is not named, and there is a clear attempt to adapt such a superstitious phenomena to the glory of nature: a very Romantic opinion. Nature can be praised and misunderstood without consequence as man was believed inferior to nature and the fact that some aspects of nature, of God’s creation, were “too difficult” for the human mind to comprehend was widely accepted.

 

While this marries the phenomena with scientific and observational terms, more inline with the enlightenment way of thinking, it leads one to question how the Enlightenment-friendly religions dealt with its persistent existence. In An Historical Essay Concerning Witchcraft (1718) by Francis Hutchinson, the bad spirits thought to be a large part of tempting people to sell their souls for the benefits of witchcraft, to take revenge on their neighbours for example, are accepted as existing creatures in the same way that Angels were accepted as a part of existence. One of the main problems of certain religion was that their morals were drawn from the very same doctrines that spoke of witches and supernatural deviance. From the Hebrew Bible, The Witch of Endor, who was said to have raised Samuel's spirit to speak for King Saul, was one of the most controversial examples. While it could not be simply ignored, it was conventional to stress a more reasoned approach to interpretation. Viewing the Witch of Endor as confirmation that neighbours can curse neighbours and change shapes or cast spells in service of the devil became symbolic of “ill” translation: perversion of doctrine (6). Hutchinson states that “tho’ the Belief of good and bad Spirits is an essential Part of every good Christian’s Faith”, the “worst Corruptions of Religion, and the greatest Perversions of Justice” have resulted from “imaginary Communications with them” (6). The argument finds miscommunication of witchcraft the fault, similar to Evidences of Kingdom of Darkness, as he quotes the Declaration of Popish Impostures (1603). The text claims that if a daughter were to act possessed as if she were a witch, then the mother is the true witch, for any tales of witchcraft she reads to her daughter is bound to result in such folly. Such critique is not so different to the ideology behind Conduct Literature. It was common for middle and upper class families to want their daughters kept away from bad thoughts by only allowing religiously and morally safe literature to be read. Hutchinson provides an extensive list of various texts, mainly published in the seventeenth century, which would incite superstition and false belief, that were better to be avoided:

 

 

 

List of books on Witchcraft procured by Francis Hutchinson and presented in An Historical Essay Concerning Witchcraft (13-14)

– Image 1

 

Apparently, “when Papists”, Catholics, “swell’d their lying Miracles into such a Multitude, our Reformers ventur’d to reject both the Stories, and the Doctrines that they proved by them” (Hutchinson 48), which indicates a bitter approach as opposed to ridicule of text and interpretation. But, once again, such opinions only expose the inherent fear. He proclaims that “if the same Notions were to prevail again, (and Superstition is never far off) no Man’s Life would be safe in his own house; for the fantastick Doctrines that support the Vulgar Opinions of Witchcraft, rob us all the Defences that god and Nature have plac’d for our Security against false Accusation” (6). Again, a focus upon nature is given. These attitudes stress the mission of conventional religion to eradicate falsehood for progress and true morality. Morality had been so stained with the blood of executed men, women and children, that it is no wonder Catholicism became the ideal scapegoat in a time when its influence was on the decline. To read and engage with any fictions, deemed facts, on witchcraft endangered the most natural defence given, to trust in God, and instead gives way to vulgarity and false accusation.

 

To conclude:

 

The Number of Witches increases or decreases, according as these Principles prevail or are exploded: And therefore, it seems to me, that if not altogether, yet for the greatest Part, they are made by the Imaginations of Men. (Hutchinson, 50)

 

The moral of the century: Imagination was vulnerable and vulgar opinions were to be avoided, not encouraged.

 


 

DEFINING A WITCH

 

If it was not deemed difficult enough disputing the existence of Witchcraft, those who were said to exercise such power were also difficult to pinpoint by definition. While the Oxford English Dictionary offers up two main definitions for ‘Witch’, the eighteenth century had a colourful array of names for an architect of Witchcraft.

John Hale in his Modern Enquiry Into the Nature of Witchcraft (1771) makes a clear distinction between White Witches, those that heal, and Black Witches or Malefick Witches, who act in revenge and hurt others. While both are said to call upon the devil for aid, the former uses the devil’s extensive knowledge and skill regarding the human body and disease to help people, the latter is what we more commonly deem a witch today. He also observes that there were approximately nine who served idols and false gods, or gave the devil some “special service” in “expectation of some great good or benefit they expected to receive from him thereby” (83), allowing them to be easily mistaken for a malefick witch. The titles given are as such:

 

  1. Making thy son to pass thro’ the fire; that is to Moloch, or any false God - sacrificing to a false God.
  2. A Diviner – using divination for evil doing.
  3. Soothsayer or observer of time (also deemed an Enchanter) – described as making illusions or foretelling good and evil.
  4. An Enchanter
  5. A Witch or Sorcerer 
  6. A Charmer - one who charms serpents, for example.  
  7. A consulter with familiar spirits – someone who would speak out of their belly, prophecising from the devil or other false gods: “to speak out of the ground, and out of the dust” (89).
  8. A Wizard 
  9. A Necromancer or seeker to the dead - raising the dead in order to obtain advice. Such actions ensured that purgatory and similar superstitions were tied to Catholics (90).  

 

The first definition of ‘Witch’ given by the Oxford English Dictionary is ‘a man who practises witchcraft or magic; a magician, sorcerer, wizard’, while the second: ‘a female magician, sorceress; in later use esp. a woman supposed to have dealings with the devil or evil spirits and to be able by their co-operation to perform supernatural acts’ (OED). While the eighteenth century may appear less gendered in its approach of defining witchcraft, with its more complex array of titles, any analysis or discussion of male witches or wizards, within literature, is almost non-existent.  

 


 

WITCHES AND WOMEN IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

 

There are many accounts of women who were executed for exercising witchcraft throughout the sixteenth, seventeenth and some of the eighteenth century, showing that women were in fact the most likely to be accused. A Most Unaccountable Relation of one Miss Sarah Green (1762) is an ideal example that exposes the prejudice surrounding women in regards to witchcraft.

 

According to the text, “if she [Miss Sarah Green] had lived a more sober and godly Life, and instead of spending her precious Time in Pride and other ungodly Courses, had spent it in reading the Scriptures, in Prayers […] then she would have been able to overcome and withstand the Temptation and Delusions of the Devil” (6). Miss Sarah Green is presented as a good woman, mother and wife. The picture is painted to represent the ordinary, religious woman as more susceptible to influence from the devil; there is nothing spectacular to draw her to witchcraft. Essentially, the practice of witchcraft is here perceived as one embodiment of sin, of which there are many, and entertaining such sin is linked to “Pride” of the Seven Deadly Sins. Miss Green is described to succumb to her Pride once her husband dies, as she felt her life too dissatisfying following his death. Pride and Greed are interlinked, rendering witchcraft the result of sin, a symptom rather than the sin itself. The article infers not only that witchcraft can be avoided but also that it is tied directly to sinning. The result of such writing intends to steer eighteenth century readers and believers of the craft away from the astonishing and magical image of witches as mistresses of the devil causing chaos and encourages a lighter, more reasoned, image of witchcraft as nothing more than indication of a sinful woman. The article continues thus: “we hope this terrible Example will be sufficient Warning to all wicked Persons every where to amend their Lives” (6). Witches thus not only became a comedic image of superstition to be ridiculed but also a tool to keep women, and “wicked Persons” in general, away from the devil.

 

Without a husband, male guidance and security, Miss Green was an ideal candidate to comfort readers. Not only was her digression from God devoid of causing harm to others but her wrongdoing is also rationalised and used to indicate a clear-cut cure: remaining devout to God. It exposes the eighteenth century determination to cure superstition by encouraging reason, to calm believers in witchcraft with a reassurance of God’s forgiveness, encourage hope for salvation and, most importantly, to stem away from the violence of the former century resulting from mass witch trials and execution.

 

However, while this one Miss. Sarah Green may not have been too threatening, many women were presumed dangerous to others and themselves. Most of the accusations of witchcraft in the seventeenth century stemmed from neighbours receiving a spot of bad luck or strange occurrences following an argument with the resident next door. It often led them to believe that their neighbour had been possessed or made a pact with the devil to gain powers capable of inciting curses and other such supernatural abilities. In Witchcraft and Women in the Seventeenth Century England: some Northern evidence (1991) by J. A. Sharpe, it is explained that “the domestic sphere” was an “arena for and source of female power” (194). Women were more susceptible to accusation not only because they were tied to the domestic sphere, where accusations could easily arise from their neighbours, but because the accusation of witchcraft became such a trend that the domestic sphere was practically the devil’s sphere, an arena open to influence and useful for witch practice. Christina Larner, who wrote Witchcraft and Religion is also cited, she further explains that “where men might use knives, women used words […] the cursing and bewitching women were the female equivalent of violent males. They were the disturbers of the social order; they were those who would not easily cooperate with others” (cited by J. A. Sharpe, 194). Although such thinking is applied to the seventeenth century, the eighteenth was dealing with its aftermath and these views were still upheld. It was thus still a suspicious age where women could not peacefully quarrel with their neighbours, could not have a lone conversation with a passing cat or pet, as this often led to accusation of witchcraft as well, and could not be without the protection and moral guidance of their husbands.

 

The Mandrake: A Charm, Henry Fuseli, c. 1785, Photo: © Tate, London [2017] - Image 2

 

Here we see heavy engagement with common, especially gendered, beliefs. A witch is digging for a mandrake, a creature often associated with witchcraft. The dark atmosphere and menacing appearance of the witch conforms to the traditional image of witches: hooded and hag-like. The body is uncomfortably curved and the unsightly features contrast heavily with the second character. According to The Tate website, the female on the right is the witch's daughter. Although far from the decrepit appearance in front of her, the relation suggests an association of sorts, encapsulating the pretty young woman within the image of witchcraft. If not taking part, she is standing by idly and so, in the very least, remains passive to the supernatural and presumedly sinful affair.

 

John British Dixon after John Hamilton Mortimer An Incantation 20 July 1773

An Incantation, John British Dixon after John Hamilton Mortimer, 1773, Photo: © Tate, London [2017] - Image 3

 

Once again, a liaison between an old, unsightly witch and a young female is depicted. Although she expresses horror at the witch's actions, she is nevertheless in close proximity. The image is very traditional, again, with a dark setting: a skeleton - the witch's place of work is shared with death - a mystical spell book of sorts, and various creatures haunting the background. Both pieces are of the later half of the century yet entertain the darker, superstition-fueled image of witches. Most notably, these images are completely devoid of males.

 

Evil Old Ladies

 

In 1735, the Witchcraft Act was passed rendering the accusation of witchcraft a crime. As a result, opinion on the many trials and executions carried out in the previous century began to change. With the increasing reluctance to even acknowledge the existence of witchcraft, eighteenth century England was forced to come to terms with the possibility that hundreds of innocents had been executed in the name of the law. While many appeared bitter in their opinions, even angry, others took the situation rather lightly, adopting the highly fashionable form of satire in their publications.

 

One of the key areas where this satire proved most affective was when dealing with the traditional vision of witches as old, hag-like women. The World by Fitz-Adam was an eighteenth century journal that dealt with problems in politics and religion with humour. The World Number XXXIV’ (1753) discusses the repeal of Witchcraft accusation following the Witchcraft Act, sarcastically claiming it absurd due to the obvious presence of witches and witchcraft. It proceeds to highlight all the absurdities of mankind itself, the most notable being that a man with a loving wife would turn to a prostitute. The point is to celebrate the Witchcraft Act and highlight the real issues prevalent within society; the real witchcraft in need of punishment. The absurdity of old women held as suspicious subject is also addressed as part of this critique:

 

If a woman, turn of eighty, with grey hairs upon her chin, and a high-crowned hat on, should be seen riding upon a broomstick through the air, or sailing in an egg-shell upon the Thames in a high wind, you may almost swear that she is a witch (Fitz-Adam, 206)

 

In the mid to late eighteenth century we see the introduction of fairy-tale forms of witchcraft in popular media. In the guilt of executing so many old ladies who may have been completely innocent, witchcraft is attacked through ridicule. While mocking those who were quick to point their fingers at any suspicious, witchy activity, it also highlights a great sadness: that old women were heavily victimised. In A Polite and Commercial People: England, 1727-1783 (1992), Langford addresses popular superstition and cites Addison, previously mentioned co-author of The Spectator. His “observation that witches were usually old women chargeable to the parish had a comforting rationality about it which appealed to educated minds confronted with the superstition of their inferiors” (Langford, 282). There was, somewhat discomfortingly, a positivity to attaching the witch title to old women. Such an image stems away from the pinning the witch as a devious youth who is both powerful and deceptive and secures a calmer, more manageable, image of an ageing creature figuratively and literally closer to expiration.

 

Another satirical journal, The Devil (1755) enacts a conversation with the devil who expresses a lack of interest in old women. Society’s focus upon an old haggard is ridiculed as youth was riddled with Pride and beauty – the Devil’s favourites. It adopts a similar argument to Fitz-Adam in The World, claiming that it is more the work of witchcraft to turn from your wife to prostitutes, damning those that do as the real witches or servants of the devil. The eighteenth century became reflective and re-evaluative finally pinpointing the cracks in morality, finding the real witchcraft of society, after chasing superstitions and old wives tales for so many centuries. There is a real enthusiasm to improve and progress; the prevalence of satire itself and the popularity of these kind of publications proves as much.

 

Switching focus to a more sympathetic cause rendered accusers more in need of punishment than the poor wretches previously named and shamed. It became well known that old, defenceless victims were likely to act, or fail to act, in a way that made them look even more like witches; their frailty and loneliness kudos of old age was their worst enemy. What is more, the hatred expressed towards witchcraft, by those who believed in it, was enough to make the accused turn upon themselves with similar hatred. It was common for those once pleading innocent to soon plead guilty and accept execution, whether by fire or otherwise, in order to escape the cruel world. The Humourist Essays (1720) expresses that “Credulity is a much more mischievous Error than Infidelity, and it is safer to believe nothing, than too much. A Man that believes little or nothing of Witchcraft, will destroy no Body” (70). With a previous century of so many mistaken executions, it was now deemed safer to believe nothing at all, just in case.

 


 

AFTER THE DEVIL’S SUCCESS – Attempting an age of morality

 

To many, witchcraft, more than just a superstition, was symbolic of the devil’s influence. While black magic was once considered capable of good, dabbling in such dark arts soon became detrimental to a reforming England. A New Review; with Literary Curiosities, and Literary Intelligence, volume 9 (1786) supposed that “the belief in the black art was not only common amongst all the uncivilised nations, but soon brought into the system by the Greeks, and afterwards by the Christians” and that “this art is still taught in the most considerable parts of Asia and Africa. It was, however, at no time more pernicious, than just before and about the time of the reformation” (18-19). It concludes that “all misfortunes, or uncommon events, were attributed to the devil and his servants” (19). Witchcraft is thus unstable in nature and took a turn for the worst in the sixteenth century. While England breaking from the Catholic Church was perceived as a progressive thing, it unavoidably caused chaos in the form of witchcraft belief. The determination to differentiate from Catholicism and pinpoint superstitious beliefs and other such vulgar practices, such as idolatry and infidelity, to its craft resulted in the knowledge and, more importantly, the fear of witchcraft multiplying among the masses. No one could have predicted the trend of witch burning that was to result in the seventeenth century but such a shift in religious belief and exposure of doctrine, as it was open to new interpretation and slander, could not come without its setbacks. The devil became inseparable from witchcraft and a witch was a mark of the devil’s influence. According to A New Review, “with the idea of an union betwixt men and bad spirits was soon added that of possessions, which were more plentiful than when they punished witches most severely, and had the greatest apprehensions of them” resulting in people “burned by thousands” in an attempt to eradicate those reportedly lost to bad spirits (19). In doing so, England itself was lost. The real union between men and spirits was not most evident in those accused of expressing witchcraft but in all people. The Reformation’s influence, with a growing printing press and prominence of public opinion for the first time, saw destructive ideology spread just as fast, if not faster, than progressive ideology.

 

As A New Review was published rather late in the century, it begins to address this chaos of witch burning as a thing of the past. With nearly a century passed since the Salem Witch Trials and over two since the Reformation, journalism was at an advantage to comment more frankly on the effects of believing in witches. It does not address such matters in tone of ridicule or bitterness but boldly states that the devil, or at least belief in his active role in deterring good people, ruined morality and even humanity for a century, and it could comment as such because that was no longer the case.


However, satirical takes and genuine reflection on the problematic past was not enough to dispel the belief in witchcraft altogether. Witchcraft was still very much believed in, even by the educated upper classes. In The Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides (1785) by James Boswell, Johnson, an important literary figure of the time, has a conversation regarding witchcraft that suitably summarises the conflicting attitudes prevalent, even in the late eighteenth century, following the passing of the Witchcraft Act:

 

     Witchcraft was introduced. Mr Crosbie said, he thought it the greatest blasphemy to suppose evil spirits counteracting the Deity, and raising storms, for instance, to destroy his creatures.

 

     Johnson. ‘Why, sir, if moral evil be consistent with the government of the Diety, why may not physical evil be also consistent with it? It is not more strange that there should be evil spirits, than evil embodied spirits. And as to storms, we know there are such things; and it is no worse that evil spirits raise them, than that they rise.’

 

     Crosbie. ‘But it is not credible, that witches should have effected what they are said in stories to have done.’

 

     Johnson. ‘ Sir, I am not defending their credibility. I am only saying, that your arguments are not good, and will not overturn the belief of witchcraft.’ (Dr Fergusson said to me, aside, ‘He is right.’) ‘And then, sir, you have all mankind, rude and civilised, agreeing in the belief of the agency of preternatural powers. You must take evidence: you must consider, that wise and great men have condemned witches to die.’

 

     Crosbie. ‘But an Act of Parliament put an end to witchcraft.’

 

     Johnson. ‘No, sir; witchcraft had ceased; and therefore an Act of Parliament was passed to prevent persecution for what was not witchcraft. Why it ceased, we cannot tell, as we cannot tell the reason of many other things.’ (179-180)

 

The phenomena thus became a part of everyday conversation between intellectuals, over breakfast or tea, a mere popular pastime to ponder but nevertheless always a grave reminder of a violent past and current moral issues. Its credibility could not be proved or dismissed but existence of the supernatural remained a prominent topic for both casual and political parties. The difficulty in condemning the past as simply more barbaric becomes apparent when, as Johnson highlights, it is considered that "wise and great men have condemned witches to die" (180). Morality and improvement is thus the only viable option for the eighteenth century. Although frustrating, especially in a century of determination to discover and decipher, it was important to accept that "we cannot tell the reason of many other things" (180). It was better to differentiate by accepting that witchcraft, whether it existed or not, was no longer existing - focus was turned to the present.


Nevertheless, while the passage of time since the previous century was large enough to fully entertain a different sort of age, one of better morality, the very end of the century saw a return of interest in the supernatural, one that was not initially so welcomed. One of the most prominent texts that saw an introduction to the Gothic and a returned obsession with creatures of preternatural origin and devilish devices was The Monk by Matthew Gregory Lewis (1796). It reimbursed ridicule of Catholicism, indulging in scandalous tales of violence, immortality and the supernatural. The British Critic, volume 7 (1796) has an unfavourable review of The Monk listed, among others, the year of its release.

 

 

 Image 4 - Review from The British Critic, volume 7, page 677.

 

ART. 28. The Monk, a Romance. In three Volumes. 12mo. IOS. 6d.
                                 Bell, Oxford-street. 1796.

     Lust, murder, incest, and every atrocity that can disgrace human,
nature, brought together, without the apology of probability, or even
possibility, for their introduction. To make amends, the moral is
general and very practical; it is, “not to deal in witchcraft and magic,
because the devil will have you at last!!” We are sorry to observe that
good talents have been misapplied in the production of this monster.
(translated from above)

 

The novel is deemed a “monster” and the moral of the story depicted not really worth the indulgence of such horrific themes. Safe to say, Europe was at first reluctant to delve back into the dark and devilish depictions so soon after mocking them.

 


 

WITCHES IN PLAYS

 

While Shakespeare’s Macbeth had plenty of airtime in the eighteenth century, there were a number of smaller, lesser known plays published that indicated just how much the witch, at least in the world of theatre, had diminished from an all-powerful and all-knowing hag to a harmless namesake.

 

The Syren by Captain Edward Thompson, published 20 February 1776, features a witch named Tadpole who has very few lines. According to the Biographia Dramatica, Or, A Companion to the Playhouse … (1782), “this piece, after being thrice performed, was dismissed with the contempt it so well deserved” (361). The Fairy Favour by Thomas Hull, published 16 October 1766, however, was a masque written for the Prince of Wales on his first visit to the theatre. In this the notion of witchcraft appears to have transformed into a more fairy-tale form, as the witch takes her place among the likes of fairies and nymphs; she is no more real or threatening than the colourful creatures of masque entertainment. The child-friendly The Fairy Favour claims its King Oberon capable of untying the knot of witchery. This masque, as well as transforming the image of witches drawn from Shakespeare’s Macbeth, among others, is also incorporating a creature once regarded very real and dangerous, who caused havoc among villages and neighbours. It deals with the legacy of Shakespeare and the Witch Trials yet this witch is nameless and the antithesis to its namesake at a time when witches in theatre could be more terrifying than ever. A witch became a fairy-tale foe, of fairies; witchcraft is just entertainment for children. Similarly, the witch of The Syren is summoned among fairies and wizards, standing as the dark magical creature in contrast to the good creature of nature, the fairy. Thus, the witch is instilled as less than a menacing fiction. She becomes a token presence of evil to stand peacefully alongside the fairy as a natural contrast and nothing more. While this transformation may be purposeful, for audiences were in need of a safer image of witches to balance those present in Shakespeare, it is also a natural transformation as the fear factor of witchcraft and the memory of the Witch Trials largely declined by this point in the century.

 

Another notable play is The Witch of the Wood or The Nutting Girls, published 10 May 1796, a.k.a Airs, Duettos, Trios and Chorusses, in The Witch of the Wood. In this play, the witch becomes a scapegoat for the deviance of two young sisters, particularly Kitty. One instance of her deception is as follows:

 

If she [their Mother] asks how he came there, we will tell her the old Witch of the Wood must have put him there, and you know she believes the old fortune teller, that lives there to be one – ever since she convey’d the money out of the nut meg grater, and flung the black cat up the chimney. (11)

 

She uses the witch as an excuse to get out of trouble for hiding a man in the house, later claiming:

 

Oh Mother; I believe the old Woman in the Wood has been charming you – she has certainly thrown some of her powder in your eyes --- I saw no man. (16)

 

While it pokes fun at the old woman witch stereotype, it also incorporates signs people once took seriously. Such cheap tricks, especially one that involves a black cat, were common indicators of witchery in the seventeenth century.

 

In The Monthly Magazine, Or, British Register, it was deemed “a musical piece – the music by Spoffart. –The piece was heard, but not repeated” indicating yet another failure (321). It seems that this new friendly form of witchcraft in theatre was less popular than that of Shakespeare; witches no longer had much of a role in entertainment.

 

 

Image 5 - Advert fromThe London Journal, page 4.

 

History of King Saul and the Witch of Endor is here advertised as a performance with “the Comical Humours of Dame Double-Dabber” indicating a humorous take on the controversial story. Considering this tale was still drawn upon in a lot of analytical literature and essays on witchcraft, both to support and condemn its existence, a public performance of the tale merely adds to the discourse, encouraging commentary. As well as keeping it in circulation, it also proves that the story was in demand and popular, probably as a result of the controversy it was associated with.

 

 

SHAKESPEARE’S LEGACY

 

A lyric Ode on the Fairies, Aerial Beings, and Witches of Shakespeare (1776) unites the mythical creations of Shakespeare in all their glory, even the bad kind.

 

But Oh! what sudden gloom,

What horror overspreads the low’ring day!

Why yawns that shagged cave,
Whose dreary womb ne’er felt
The genial sun’s enlivening ray?
Black, noisome, chearless, lo!
How all around with feeble cries
The gliding spectres throng! (9)

Indicated above is the entrance of the witches. They are equipped with “gloom”, “horror” and “feeble cries”.


                                       AIR

 

Hark! now I hear, with hollow tremulous sound,
The solemn mutter’d spell,
And horrid magic song.

                                    RECITATIVE

 

Save me! what wither’d forms my soul affright.

                                       CHORUS

 

   By the pale light of yon blue fire,
I know their scowling fronts and wild attire.

                                  RECITATIVE

See through the glimmering darkness of the cave,
By Paddocke warn’d, their rites they sing,
And slowly stalk in dismal ring,
Around the charmed cauldron’s bubbling wave. (10)

 

They are the witches of Macbeth, their infamous incantations deemed a  ”horrid magic song”. The scene is set magically with “blue fire” and “wild attire” making the cave glimmer as they reside around the “charmed cauldron”.

 

 

For whom, at yonder livid flame,
Do you the deed without a name?

Ye secret hags, whence breathes this sound?
Why sinks that cauldron in the ground?
What means that armed head?
Why comes that bloody child?
The hags are fled,
They vanish’d into air.
Amazement chills my soul! (11)

In line with the old stereotype, they are called “hags” denoting their ugliness and affirming their likeness to the witches of Macbeth in form; they are not of the child-friendly formations presented around this time. “That armed head” affirms them to be the witches of Macbeth as it references the scene in which Macbeth speaks to the armoured head. Yet, rather than fear, these images invoke “amazement”, adopting a celebratory tone as Shakespeare’s witches continue to amaze while those of other plays fail to have much significance.


For who can wield like Shakespeare’s skillful hand
That magic wand,
Whose potent sway,
The elves of earth, of air, and sea obey? (13)

 

Most importantly, these witches are under control. Shakespeare’s “magic wand”, likely his pen, constructed this terrific image of witches and, in order to maintain their ghostly glamour without scaremongering, this lyrical ode reminds readers that they are mere fiction, that this supernatural power is only produced, and controlled, by Shakespeare.

 

However, not every recipient of Shakespeare held the same, approving opinion.

Francis Gentleman in The Dramatic Censor (1770), view Shakespeare’s witchcraft unfit for such an unstable era:

 

Though critically we must admire that characteristic peculiarity of sentiment and expression which distinguish the Witches, it is nevertheless necessary to remark that exhibiting such personages and phantoms as never had existence but in credulous or heated imaginations tends to impress superstitious feelings and fears upon weak minds. For which reason we consider every dramatic piece which treats the audience with a ghost, fairy, or witch as improper for young, unexperienced spectators in particular. (79)

 

Even towards the end of the century, the anxiety surrounding superstitious belief was still strong. However entertaining, the prominence of Shakespeare inevitably proved an obstacle in the eradication of backwards belief. 

 

 

The three 'Weird Sisters' from Shakespeare's 'Macbeth', act 1, seen in profile to left with their left arms outstretched and pointing, their right to their lips, looking expectant, each wearing a hood; with bat-like creature with skull face flying at left.  10 March 1785  Mezzotint

The Weird Sisters, Henry Fuseli, 1785, Photo: © The Trustees of the British Museum [2017] – Image 6

 

Fuseli’s interpretation of Macbeth’s witches is riddled with superstition-inducing themes. The dark, gloomy appearance coupled with the old, decrepit women, hooded and pointing, seems to reinforce the image of witchcraft the eighteenth century was trying to move away from at this stage. However, as the painting is a take of Shakespeare’s image, it is probable he was merely being true to the cause and did not in fact view witches, or wish to encourage the view of witches, in this way. As the most notable of Fuseli’s works, this image defined his standard as always a little bit lacking or over the top; either way, he is perceived to miss the mark. Gillray’s more comedic form of this image is inline with such critique.

 

Weird Sisters; Ministers of Darkness; Minions of the Moon, James Gillray, published by Hanna Humphrey, 23 December 1791, Photo: © Tate, London [2017] – Image 7

 

“Here, Gillray uses Fuseli’s painting The Weird Sisters as the basis of a political satire. The Home Secretary Lord Dundas, William Pitt the Prime Minister and Lord Thurlow, the Lord Chancellor, are cast as Fuseli’s witches. The moon is made up of the distinctive profiles of George III and Queen Charlotte. The print satirises the uneasy and unnatural alliance of these politicians, and the reputed lunacy of George.” (© Tate, London [2017])

 

Although political satire was nothing unusual in the eighteenth century, the direct mimicry of Henry Fuseli’s original image symbolises changing attitudes towards the darker and fear-inducing image of witches. Not only is there no shame in rehashing Shakespeare’s nightmarish vision but the comedic reproduction is actually aided, the message enhanced, by the fact that these faces are dressed as the Weird Sisters drawn from Macbeth. This is because of the comedic interpretation of witches that slowly overtook the darker interpretations of witchcraft in the latter half of the century. Disgust, horror and guilt became addressed by comedy and audiences would find this image humorous not only because it represents the “uneasy and unnatural alliance of these politicians” but also because witches, as an image, were comedic. Gillray’s creation thus mocks on two levels: politically and artistically. Artistically, it paints Fuseli’s interpretation as a thing of the past or, in the very least, showcases comedy as another, more enlightening, option to adopt. It expresses acceptance of the past beliefs that once pervaded society but also represents progress. Mockery is an intellectual step away from superstition and calms the gloom and doom of Shakespeare's witches.

 


 

Primary Sources 

 

A Lyric Ode on the Faries, Aerial Beings, and Witches of Shakespeare. London. 1776. Historical Texts. Web. 12 March 2017.

            Very useful in demonstrating the influence in Shakespeare in the eighteenth century. Although he encourages spectacle and paints the stage with supernatural and mythical characters and creatures, thus risking an increase in the belief and general discussion of them, he is still celebrated and commended for his brilliant and magical work. The ode is cheerful and while addressing the darker and more fearful aspects of Shakespeare’s work, summarises that all is intentional and under his control, hence nothing to be truly feared.

 

A Most Unaccountable Relation of one Miss Sarah Green. n.p., 1762. America’s Historical Imprints. Web. 12 March 2017.

            Useful for expressing the sexist tone underlying witchcraft theory. This particular example of an unfortunate woman who was punished for witchcraft is curtailed into a sort of morality tale. It is both informative, in its exposure of how women were stereotyped, and also reflective of the general tone attempted in the eighteenth century: one with a determination to improve things.

 

Cecil, James and Larpent, John. The Witch of the Wood; or, The Nutting Girls. Covent Garden Theatre. Adam Matthew’s Explorer. Web. 12 March 2017.

            The most fairytale vision of witches found. The witch character is never even present but merely mentioned as a sort of bogeyman figure, often used by devious girls to scaremonger villagers, who are depicted as lacking in intelligence, and to scapegoat their own troubles. It is interesting in that the girls, although not depicted as witches, are using lies and deceit to get away with sinful actions.

 

C. Tracts. The Bible: What it is: being an examination thereof from Gensis to Revelations. 1800. JSTOR. Web. 12 March 2017.

            Useful for contextualising the link between witchcraft and the Bible. It explains the role of enchantment, superstition and the devil in the Bible and how their existence within the text has spurred such strong superstitious beliefs but expresses it in a tone which desires to deter this correlation.

 

Erskine Baker, David. Biographia Dramatica, Or, A Companion to the Playhouse. London, 1782. Google Books. Web. 12 March 2017.

            Very brief volume of critical remarks for various works throughout the era.

 

Evidences Of The Kingdom Of Darkness. 1st ed. London: Printed for T. Evans, No. 54, in Pater-Noster Row, 1770. Print.

            Extensive catalogue of eighteenth century beliefs and common superstitions or superstitious practices. This text is unusual in that it can be mocking of superstition and the encouragement of ill-informed opinions yet the sheer amount of superstitions listed and the attempt to portray some superstitions in a fairer light does little to weaken belief in them.

 

Gentleman, Francis. The Dramatic Censor; or Critical Companion. London, 1770. EuropeanLibraries. Web. 12 March 2017.

            Highlights the risk of Shakespeare’s works in that they will inevitably encourage bad thoughts and superstitious beliefs and are thus unsuitable for young and impressionable audiences. It is useful in providing an alternative opinion on Shakespeare that holds superstition as a tenuous subject that cannot be encouraged for the sake of weak minds that will, supposedly, jump to terrible conclusions. It shows the true influence of the Witch Trials and the widespread belief and spread of superstitious ideas as Shakespeare is suddenly unfavourable and possibly detrimental to the population.

 

Hale, John. A Modest Enquiry Into the Nature of Witchcraft. 2nd ed. Boston, Kneeland & Adams, 1771. America’s Historical Imprints. Web. 12 March 2017.

            Reforms the actions of the previous century by depicting the witch burnings and trials as man’s attempt to do the best he could in a dark situation. The guilt is prevalent but the tone is delicate and meaningful, expressing an alternative view held in the eighteenth century to that of anger: forgiveness. The fact that the author is a pastor is clear in the texts informative mode and hopeful outlook; the intent is the educate and improve in the eyes of god, not condemn and deny. It questions the reliability of the mass witchcraft accusations yet always returns to the devil’s influence, ensuring that readers are led to believe that any wrongdoing was all a part of the devil’s plan and that improvement and reflection is the way forward.

 

Hutchinson, Francis. An Historical Essay Concerning Witchcraft. 1st ed. London: Printed for R. Knaplock, and D. Midwinter, 1720. Print.

            While affirming belief in spirits, good and bad, and the devil’s work, this text showcases outrage, attacking the vulgarity of superstitious beliefs and blaming Catholicism for perversing beliefs by ill-interpretation of doctrine. The text is useful in showcasing this bias and angry opinion that was rather common in the eighteenth century      

 

Johnson, Samuel and James Boswell. A Journey To The Western Islands Of Scotland And The Journal Of A Tour To The Hebrides. 1st ed. England: Penguin Group, 1993. Print.

          Two pieces of travel writing by Samuel Johnson and James Boswell depicting their adventures in Scotland. The texts are useful in that they provide an insight into the life and thoughts of two established intellectuals of the eighteenth century. There are references to Macbeth in both texts as a visit to Scotland is not without reminder of Shakespeare's witches but there is nothing in regards to witchcraft outside of this.

 

Joseph Addison and Sir Richard Steele. The Spectator, Volume 1. Oxford University Press. 1987. Web. 12 March 2017.

            This essay introduces an educated opinion of an influential writer. His curiousity regarding witchcraft is handled without bias and superstition but appears more objective and genuine, thus producing reliable results that suitably summarise the effect of witchcraft’s refusal to disappear entirely in the eighteenth century.

 

Mrs. Montagu. An Essay on the Writings and Genius of Shakespear. London, 1777. Historical Texts. Web. 12 March 2017. 

            Offers a somewhat mixed, and very detailed, review of Shakespeare’s creations. While it honours the popularity of the supernatural at the time of writing, the text is weary in approving of it entirely. It notes that such darkness is not so different from the works of old philosophers and poets yet because such art is so effective and entertaining that it is widespread thus risking an increase in anxiety and fear of witches and spirits in an ignorant time. The text is useful in analysing individual characters such as Prospero and Richard III, defending their supernatural worlds by highlighting the morals presented through the detrimental faults of their characters. Overall, an interesting read but lacks faith in audiences’ intellect as if they could not differentiate between reality and their imaginations.

 

New Review; with Literary Curiosities, and Literary Intelligence, volume 6. London. 1784. Eighteenth Century Journals. Web. 12 March 2017.

            Historicises the witchcraft problem by grounding superstitions of sorcery in Greek and Christian origin. The transformation of these beliefs is what is problematic and the true wretches were not the accused witches but those who were allowing such an art to be interpreted so detrimentally. The Reformation is blamed.

 

R. Phillips. The Monthly Magazine, Or, British Register, Issues 1-5. London. 1796. Google Books. Web. 12 March 2017.

            Offers up a less than favourable review of The Witch of the Wood. It is a useful catalogue for theatre reviews that are short and sweet yet informative and opinionated.

 

Slade, John. The Devil. London 1755. Eighteenth Century Journals. Web. 12 March 2017.

            Satirises the ‘old hag’ stereotype, similar to The World. However, it moves on to discuss the problematic nature of youth and uses a false conversation with the devil to express genuine concern for the actions of young men and women and suggests incredulity as these people were also the ones pointing their finger at innocent old ladies, who were probably just a bit too friendly with their cats and had lost the lustre of youth which rendered them more witch-like in appearance than they could help.

 

The Humourist: beings essays upon several subjects. London, 1720. Eighteenth Century Journals. Web. 12 March 2017.

            Sympathetic to the poor old women who were accused of witchcraft. It highlights that superstitions and false beliefs were so problematic that it was better to believe in nothing at all than to risk making such a mistake as allowing an innocent person to be burned at the stake. It showcases the guilt that the eighteenth century was dealing with as a result of the relentless witchcraft hunting and accusing in the previous century.

 

The World: Volume 1. London, 1753. Eighteenth Century Journals. Web. 12 March 2017.

            Introduces a comedic vision of witchcraft. It usefully jokes about the Witchcraft Act 1735 and the ‘old hag’ stereotype.

 

Thompson, Edward. The Syren [s]. Covent Garden Theatre. 1776. Adam Matthew’s Explorer. Web. 12 March 2017.

            Useful in showcasing a different style of witch that was adopted in eighteenth century theatre

 

Hull, Thomas. The Fairy Favour. Covent Garden Theatre, 1766. Adam Matthew’s Explorer. Web. 12 March 2017.

            Useful in showcasing the changing nature of witches in theatre as the child-like fairytale form of this piece is representative of both a genuine change in the opinion and image of witchcraft but also the way in which these superstitions are fed to children without concern, not realising that they are embedding the belief in these creatures.

 

 

Secondary Sources

 

Christmas, Henry. The Cradle Of The Twin Giants, Science And History. 1st ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011. Print.

            Unites science and magic by addressing occultism and alchemy, searching for a suitable marriage between the backwards beliefs and the forward-thinking eighteenth century attitudes. It is culturally rich and offers a real insight into the thought processes of magic’s origin and influence. Chapter 9 was used for this subject.

 

Langford, Paul. A Polite And Commercial People: England 1727-1783. 1st ed. Oxford u.a.: Oxford Univ. Press, 2005. Print.

            One of the most useful texts for historical, political and religious movements in the century. It details the development of conventional religions in the era as well as the conflicts between key political figures and how that impacted government. Witchcraft is heavily featured and it addresses, in detail, the final cases of witchcraft accused, both before and after the Witchcraft Act 1735. It is one of the only texts that overtly mentions class differences in beliefs and the folly of suspicion and accusation based on difference.

 

Mason, Emma. Witches in the dock: 10 of Britain’s Most Infamous Witch Trials’. BBC History Magazine. Historyextra, 1 Dec 2012. Web. 12 March 2017.

            Suitable summary of witchcraft through the ages – offers a sneak peak into the most notable events and names throughout the years.

 

 

Images

 

Image 1 - Screenshot from An Historical Essay Concerning Witchcraft pages 13-14. London. n.p., 1718. 14 March 2017.

 

Image 2 - Fuseli, Henry. The Mandrake: A Charm. c.1785. Gothic Nightmares: Fuseli, Blake and the Romantic Imagination, Tate Britain. Www.tate.org.uk. Web. 17 March 2017.

 

Image 3 - British Dixon, John. An Incantation. 1773. Gothic Nightmares: Fuseli, Blake and the Romantic Imagination, Tate Britain. Www.tate.org.uk. Web. 17 March 2017.

 

Image 4 – Screenshot from The British Critic, volume 7 page 677, 1796. Web. 14 March 2017.

 

Image 5 – Screenshot from The London Journal page 4, 1720. Web. 17 March 2017.

 

Image 6 - Fuseli, Henry. The Weird Sisters. 1785. Collection Online, The British Museum. Www.britishmuseum.org. Web. 17 March 2017.

 

Image 7 - Gillray, James. Weird Sisters; Ministers of Darkness; Minions of the Moon. 1791. Gothic Nightmares: Fuseli, Blake and the Romantic Imagination, Tate Britain. Www.tate.org.uk. Web. 17 March 2017.

 

 

 

 

 

 

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