Introduction

 

"It is the folly of too many to mistake the echo of a London coffee-house for the voice of the kingdom"

(Swift, "The Conduct of the Allies")

 

 

Coffee-house (n) OED Definition:

A house of entertainment where coffee and other refreshments are supplied. (Much frequented in 17th and 18th c. for the purpose of political and literary conversation, circulation of news, etc.). The places now so called have lost this character, and are simply refreshment-houses.

 

 

A History

 

Drinking coffee and visiting our local Costa or Starbucks has become such a staple pastime of Western culture that we often take it for granted that they have always been around. The reality is that coffee was first introduced into England around four hundred years ago and so too was the coffeehouse.

 

Not quite the coffee shop or café of today, the coffeehouse, as defined by the Oxford English Dictionary, is as much a place of entertainment and play as it is a place of business and politics. But where did they come from and how did it become popular and established in England? One of the first entries of the word, according to the OED, was in George Sandys' A Relation of a Journey Begun in 1615, in which Sandys details his trip to Constantinople. While speaking of their preference in drink (alcohol not being permitted), he touches upon "coffa", or coffee. Here is his report:

 

"Although they be destitute of Taverns, yet have they their Coffa-houses, which something resemble them. There sit they chatting most of the day; and sippe of a drinke called Coffa (of the berry that it is made of) in little China dishes, as hot as they can suffer it: black as soote, and tasting not much unlike it" (66)

 

Sandys' seventeenth century, sceptical view of this "hot: black as soote" drink would have been the normal reaction to such an unusual, bitter-tasting drink. Its acceptance into English culture would also have been barred by its status as a Turkish, and therefore Islamic, custom. Nevertheless, the coffeehouse was soon adopted by the British with great intensity, particularly during the eighteenth century. In fact, no other European country could say it had as many coffeehouses as London, which, by the latter half of the eighteenth century, numbered among the hundreds. Although Sandys' account is almost a century away from the eighteenth century, it is useful to note where the coffeehouse originated from and its transition from there.

 

A particularly useful way of beginning this article is by taking Jonathan's Swift quote at the top of this page to heart. Many historians and opinionated eighteenth century men have branded the coffeehouse many things, but the reality is that each and every coffeehouse (while similar in certain ways) could not be "mistaken...for the voice of the kingdom". Their virtue lies in their variety. 

 

Interior

 

As mentioned, a plethora of coffeehouses popped up all over the country from the seventeenth century onwards, meaning no two coffeehouses were the same. Eventually, however, a typical image of the coffeehouse was established and in some instances, satirised.

 

 

Figure 1. Interior of a London coffee-house. The costumes of the figures suggest a date in the mid-late 1690's.

In this anonymous painting (Figure 1) from around the turn of the eighteenth century, a typical coffeehouse is depicted. Long tables and benches appear to have been the normal arrangement of seating found in these establishments. On the far left, a bar maid in white lace and a coffee-boy are depicted. Another coffee-boy pours coffee in the centre. The wig-wearing gentlemen appear to be conferring around pieces of paper presumed to be newspapers consisting of a single sheet of text. Other variations to the interior of a coffeehouse include tables and chairs, as seen in William Hogarth’s sketch below (Figure 2), which depicts Daniel Button's Coffee House in Covent Garden.

 

Figure 2. William Hogarth's sketch of four men finishing a game of draughts in Daniel Button's Coffee House, c. 1725

 

 

Typical Coffeehouse Characters

 

Multiple writings from the eighteenth century claimed that particular coffeehouses housed particular sorts of people. A common character, much-satirised by the likes of essayist-duo Richard Steele and Joseph Addison, both of whom founded The Spectator (1711), was the kind of character who spoke voraciously about the daily news he obtained from newspapers. Both The Spectator, and Steele’s Tatler (1709) performed a similar function of observing daily life in London, providing commentary and publishing their opinions for coffeehouse attendees to read for themselves. In Issue 264 of the Tatler, Isaac Bickerstaff (Steele’s nom de plume) deplores the character of:

 

“a Tedious Talker, or what is generally known by the Name of a Story-Teller, to be much more insufferable than even a prolix Writer. An Author may be tois’d out of your Hand and thrown aside when he grows dull and tiresome; but such Liberties are so far from being allow’d towards your Orators in common Conversation…This Evil is at present so very common and epidemical, that there is scarce a Coffee-house in Town that has not some Speakers belonging to it, who utter their political Essays” (bold changes my own)

 

Steele juxtaposes the experience of reading dull writing and listening as similar but different. While the former can be discarded without further thought, the latter, humorously, cannot. This new type of character, who Steele observes as having popped up in almost every coffeehouse in town, prospers from the public realm of coffeehouses. He is sure to be heard, even if his audience are unwilling to do so, highlighting the difference between the private practice of reading with the public act of speaking amongst groups. While one is solitary, the other is a shared, and often cumbersome, activity.

 

A similar character is observed by The Spectator in Issue XLIX (49). The Spectator suggests that when entering into “that sort of Conversation which we find in Coffee-houses…the first thing you should consider is, whether [the man you are conversing with] has a greater inclination to hear you, or that you should hear him”. This character speaks to be heard and not to listen, and is probably akin to the kind of character who sits with “a News Paper in his Hand, but none can pretend to guess what Step will be taken in any one Court of Europe” till someone more knowledgeable says so. Both journals, in pinpointing such a character, serve to highlight a newfound problem in the culture of the coffeehouse. As public meeting places converging with the business of sharing news, ordinary men would have found new opportunities to socially engage, including through the act of self-important tirades and unsolicited opinions. This prompted one reader of the Tatler to propose an “Elbow Chair placed at the Table, and that as soon as any one begins a long Story, or extends his Discourse beyond the Space of one Minute, he be forthwith thrust into the said Elbow Chair” (Issue 268).

 

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Social Functions of the Coffeehouse

 

 

Coffeehouses came to be known as public houses, placing them on par with other such establishments like the tavern and the inn. However, unlike these, the coffeehouse filled a gap in the market for sober drinking and socialising, making it the perfect space for business-related or intellectual meetings. Nonetheless, the coffeehouse was also a site of pleasurable socialisation, including gambling and prostitution.

 

 

Pleasure

Food and Drink

 

Aside from expecting coffee to be served, visitors also had the option to buy a variety of other drinks. The other main drinks offered were tea, drinking chocolate and later down the line, alcohol. In the case of tea, customers often had several variations to choose from. For example, in Figure 3, John Watkinson is selling a variety of teas, including green, bloom, sauchong and bohea. It can be assumed that similar drinks were also sold within the coffeehouse, as seen in Susanna Centlivre’s play, A Bold Stroke for a Wife, when the coffee-boy offers Gabriel and Tradelove "bohea tea" (4.1.14). 

 

Figure 3. A screenshot of a stand-alone advert thought to be published in York.

 

 

Although alcohol was not common in the early coffeehouses, obtaining a liquor licence after the 1690's became common, leading one Mr Campbell to declare that:

 

Figure 4. A screenshot of a section from The London Tradesman, 1757, page 281.

 

 

Hot chocolate was also a common drink to be found in coffeehouses with some places dedicating themselves to it more openly, such as the well-known White’s Chocolate House. Chocolate houses performed much the same function as a coffeehouse but had a more genteel reputation. Women were depicted in some plays as frequenting these establishments, if only to take some of the drink to go, such as these women do in William Congreve’s The Way of the World (Dublin edition published in 1730):

 

Figure 5. A screenshot from Congreve's The Way of the World, Act I, Scene VII.

 

In terms of food, classic coffeehouses didn’t necessarily provide full meals like chop-houses at the time would have. Instead, they would provide light bites such as sandwiches and bread for breakfast. In The Life of Samuel Johnson, James Boswell, Johnson’s biographer and friend, mentions how little it would cost to enjoy such refreshments: "by spending three-pence in a coffee-house, he might be for some hours every day in very good company; he might dine for six-pence, breakfast on bread and milk for a penny, and do without supper" (Boswell, 49). 

 

Newspapers

 

As aforementioned, The Spectator and the Tatler were popular journals of the eighteenth century, often containing commentaries about coffeehouse culture. Other newspapers also frequented coffeehouses across the nation, providing the public with a common convening place in which to read such publications while in good company with a hot beverage. The anonymous author of The Character of a Coffee-House, with the Symptomes of a Town-Wit aptly described why this was so appealing: “He that comes often saves two pence a week in Gazets, and has his News and his Coffee for the same charge” (1). Indeed, in most depictions of the coffeehouse, visitors are seen perusing over sheets of paper and engaging in conversation. In some cases, as the one below (Figure 6), an argument has erupted.

 

Figure 6. The Coffeehous Mob, 1710

 

Although the easy access to literature provided by the coffeehouse has been lauded as a precursor to modern public life as we know it today, this image, titled at the top as “The Coffeehous Mob”, suggests that they weren’t always arenas of civilised conversation and debate. Guests are seen amongst pieces of paper, bickering and fighting. 

 

In the below satirical image of a coffeehouse, the anonymous artist has labelled his piece “The Coffee House Politicians”, depicting a throng of customers looking over the London Gazette with mild shock and amusement. The British Museum description of this particular work suggests that the men are responding to the scandal of Caroline Matilda, Queen of Denmark, and Count Struensee. 

 

Figure 7. The Coffee House Politicians, c. 1733. 

 

The satirical element here is that these men aren’t likely to be real politicians. Instead, the newspapers, as the Spectator has observed, have provided them with the false confidence and knowledge to consider themselves on par with such public figures, as they no doubt are commenting on the impact they believe the scandal might have on European politics. 

 

Gambling

Figure 8. Plate 6 of A Rake's Progress, a series of paintings made by William Hogarth and published in 1735. This one supposedly depicts White's Chocolate House.

 

A few plays and artistic depictions have also presented the coffeehouse as a hotbed for gambling. In William Hogarth’s The Rake’s Progress (Figure 8), Plate 6, the central figure of the rake bends in the foreground, undeniably distraught about what has occurred at the gambling table behind him. It is suggested by the following plates, which take place in Fleet Prison and Bedlam Hospital, that the rake’s irresponsible use of his fortune has led to his bankruptcy and mental deterioration. Other men dotted around the rake in Plate 6 show juxtaposing states of glee and distress, suggesting their fortunes after having partook in a gambling game. Hogarth’s plate therefore shows the unpredictability of making money from gambling. Ultimately for Hogarth, those who gain from the game, do so at another’s expense.

 

Prostitution

Reputable women were not often seen in coffeehouses (this will be discussed further at in the final section) as these spaces were often associated with debauchery and tawdriness. John Dunton, in a text entitled The Night Walker: or, Evening Rambles in Search After Lewd Women, suggests that female coffeehouse owners opened such establishments “to expose themselves to sale [rather] than their coffee”, hinting at prostitution or offering the services of a brothel alongside their legal establishment (Dunton 9). Other depictions, such as in Figure 9 below, suggest such activities were commonplace in some coffeehouses. The lady in the background is sitting with her breasts exposed, while scenes of debauchery occur in the left foreground and background. 

 

Figure 9. Satirical print made by George Bickham the Younger, entitled The Rake's Rendez-Vous, 1735-1740.

 

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Business

 

As a predominantly masculine space, the coffeehouse was also subject to scenes of trade, the exchanging of stocks and other, everyday business matters.

 

Trade Cards

 

According to Maxine Berg and Helen Clifford, trade cards were “the earliest widely circulated form of advertising combining image and printed text” (146), and were used as "an all-purpose jotter…an invoice and receipt form, as a homing guide for messengers, and as a memorandum sheet for quotations, price lists, and other handwritten business fragments” (Rickards). Many were used in and around coffeehouses as they were used to stress where the goods had been bought and from whom, encouraging a kind of reverse advertisement in which the consumer, who the businessman has already won the custom of, will be more likely to return and repurchase the same goods. Many advertised alcohol and spirits, such as in Figure 10 below.

 

Figure 10. Trade card made out to E. Moore at the Newcastle Coffee-House in London.

 

In the case of this trade card, the dealer has gone to great lengths to achieve an aesthetically pleasing card which, just for the virtue of its artwork, was then traded and kept as a collectable in its own right. Soon, possessing and trading these cards became a central part of eighteenth century society and coffeehouse culture. In Figure 11, the coffeehouse itself is advertising its wares. As businesses themselves, in a market replete with dozens of coffeehouses in the same area, advertising would have proved a useful tool for the coffeehouse owner.

 

Figure 11. Trade card for City Coffee House 

 

Retail

 

As these trade cards have shown, coffeehouses were also places to sell one’s wares. In the advertisement sections of eighteenth century newspapers, merchants and traders advertised a variety of commodities. In the below example, Sir Theodore Mayern’s Opiate for the Teeth, costing £9.57 for a larger box in today’s currency, is being sold at a variety of coffeehouses ("Advertisements and Notices", no. 179). For example, Will’s and Sam’s.

 

Figure 12. Screenshot of the "Advertisements and Notices" section of Issue 179 of the Tatler

 

In another advertisement ("Advertisements and Notices", no. 214), a merchant is selling fine brocaded silks, furbelowed scarves, and aprons. These were reportedly available at Young-Man’s coffeehouse and Will’s coffeehouse again. As a result, coffeehouses perpetuated the commodity-orientated nature of eighteenth century culture, as they made products such as the aforementioned, readily available. The coffeehouse also appeared to make it possible for sellers to offer their products in a variety of places, as opposed to keeping it stationary in one shop. Other items for sale included tickets to plays, houses, ships, breath freshener, and play-house props.

 

Tokens

 

Coffeehouses also entered into the business of coin-making in times of physical money shortages, such as the late eighteenth century. Although the practise was illegal, there are surviving tokens resembling coins with coffeehouse names printed on them. These tokens would then represent a certain amount of money and were only to be used at the noted establishment. They also acted as small forms of advertisement, much like the trade cards. They can also be compared to contemporary loyalty cards or points.

 

Figure 13. Trade token issued for Jack's Coffee-House, 1782.

 

Figure 14. Trade token issued for Richardson's Coffee-House, 1793.

 

Postal Service

 

As seen in the case of the trade card, wherein the coffeehouse was used as a hub and meeting point for dealers and traders, the coffeehouse was often used as a marker of location and a public place to be found. According to Brian Cowan, “coffeehouses became an important aspect of the mental framework that constituted Londoner’s understandings of their neighbourhoods partly by offering an easily recognized and remembered landmark” ("The Social Life of Coffee" 177). This nods towards changing associations of public space, with Londoners inhabiting and navigating that space with the help of the coffeehouse, a public domain. In addition, Lord Thomas Babington Macaulay noted that “those who wished to find a gentleman commonly asked, not whether he lived in Fleet Street or Chancery Lane, but whether he frequented the Grecian or the Rainbow” (361). Macaulay’s comment also suggests a general move away from the private of one’s home, to the public of the public house, as the coffeehouse began to make that a probable reality.

 

In addition, many coffeehouses offered to keep mail for visitors and to place advertisements (see “Public vs. Private?” section below about matchmaking) that directed letters to the coffeehouse. As quasi-post offices, the coffeehouse was again seen to be expanding its business function beyond simply offering refreshments and a place to socialise. By virtue of its public nature, it became sensible to begin using coffeehouses for the population’s public business needs; to fill in the gap of the services we take for granted today, such as maps, signs and a dedicated post office.

 

Stocks

 

Figure 15. Jonathan's Coffee House or an Analysis of Change Alley With a Group of Characters from Life, 1763. Inscribed to Jacob Henriques.

Coffeehouses, particularly those near the Royal Exchange, were often sites of selling and buying stocks, which went hand-in-hand with the nature of newspaper reading and political discussion. John Houghton in Husbandry and trade improv’d describes the nature of stock exchanges that took place, in the below figure.

 

Figure 16. Screenshot from Husbandry and trade improv'd by John Houghton, page 264

 

The stock market and those who engaged in its business were often the subject of much ridicule and condemnation, as some saw it as a corrupting force not unlike gambling. Others weren't fond of the idea that capital could be made on the basis of speculation. For example, in Exchange-Alley: or, the stock-jobber turn’d gentleman, the practice of selling stocks is parodied. The scene below (Figure 17) takes place in Jonathan’s Coffeehouse.

 

Figure 17. Screenshot from online edition of Exchange Alley, 1720

 

For this particular playwright, the stock market is nothing but absurd and fictional. This scene emphasises the stupidity of those who buy stocks by suggesting that, if others are buying those same items at a fast pace, they would buy anything, including insurance against adultery and flying ships. At its inception, the stock market was seen by such writers to be based on imagination and deceit.

 

Another playwright that represented the stock market as farcical was Centlivre, who continuously likened buying and selling stocks to gambling in A Bold Stroke for a Wife. In Act IV, Scene I, after Tradelove is convinced that the siege of Calgary has fallen, he is compelled to buy hordes of one stock, believing that its price will rise when everyone else finds out the same news. However, Tradelove has in fact been tricked and the news he believes is true, is in fact incorrect. This is then used against him by Freeman and the Captain, who have set him up so he takes a wager he cannot win. This exchange occurs immediately after Tradelove has spent thousands on stocks. He then bets away thousands more on the basis of the news he received. Freeman’s goading him into “wagers” links stock exchanging and gambling closely together (4.1.92). Both are reckless and not based on facts, but speculation or luck. In the end, Tradelove loses both the bet and has bought stocks that are worth little. Centlivre, therefore, portrays a sceptical view of stock exchanging and borrowing in her play.

 

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Public vs. Private? Women in Coffeehouses

 

Figure 18. A print entitled Law and equity. Or a peep at Nando's. This is a satirical print aimed at the religious man in white robes (Thurlow).

 

Coffeehouses have long been known as public arenas of masculinity. With its associations with politics, business, drinking and gambling, the coffeehouse seemed to bar women from entry into the newly invented public sphere. Many at the time supported this view. For example, Daniel Defoe in The Complete English Tradesman (1726) believed that “the tea-table among the ladies, and the coffeehouse among the men, seem to be places of new invention for a depravation of our manners and morals, places devoted to scandal” (197). His juxtaposition of the two gendered arenas of drinking and socialising suggest that they did not cross-over and each person stayed within their designated space. Defoe also speaks of the loss of reputation that comes from the “unfriendly manner” of tea-table talk and draws parallels between: “the reputation of a young lady [and]…the credit of a tradesman, which is the same thing in its nature as the virtue of a lady”. His disdain for coffeehouse culture, therefore, also drew upon tea-table culture, which appeared to be for Defoe, the female, private, equivalent of the masculine coffeehouse.

 

As has already been mentioned (and seen above), some coffeehouses had bawdy associations attached to them. Therefore, the coffeehouse wasn’t likely to be a place for virtuous or notable women to visit. Indeed, Cowan notes that to be branded a whore wasn’t necessarily to be accused of prostitution, but to have a lowly reputation: “a sure-fire way of breaking these [feminine] codes and thus gaining a reputation for unchastity was by frequenting public houses such as taverns, alehouses or coffeehouses” ("What Was Masculine about the Public Sphere?" 102).

 

However, to brand coffeehouses as wholly masculine would be inaccurate. After all, just because much of society disapproved of women in public houses, did not mean that women were completely deterred from using or running them. Instances of women frequenting coffeehouses often involve lower class women such as personal maids, barmaids or coffee-women; those who owned and ran the coffeehouse themselves. A look into the poll taxes of coffeehouse keepers between 1692 and 1693 show that twenty per cent of those who paid were women (Alexander 136). The occupation of coffee-woman was also an established one: several women mentioned in the London Gazette for bankruptcy had the title "coffee-woman" ("News"). 

Some famous coffee-women included Moll King and Anne Rochford, or “the Velvet coffee-woman”. Both have biographies dedicated to them after their deaths. However, the aim of these biographies didn’t seem to be to enshrine them as women to look up to, but to satirise them as businesswomen allegedly involved in prostitution and brothel work. In a poem found in The velvet coffee-woman, Rochford’s establishment is suggested to be a place for rich women seeking sex:

 

Figure 19. Screenshot of a poem from The velvet coffee-woman, page 37.

 

Anne Rochford is also condemned for letting her finances run away with her Irish lover. Overall, her depiction is unfavourable.

 

John Dunton complains of a similar association surrounding coffee-women; that their coffeehouses concealed illegal brothels, as mentioned earlier. Dunton concludes that even if women are virtuous, the constant assault they will receive in coffeehouses means that “its much more commendable to see none but men and boys in a coffeehouse”. A writer to the Spectator details the kind of assault she receives on a daily basis: “the improper discourses [my customers] are pleased to entertain me with. They strive who shall say the most immodest things in my hearing” (Issue CLVI/156), suggesting that Dunton had an inkling of an argument in his favour.

 

However, it was not only lower-class women who used coffeehouses, although it can be argued that they constituted the majority of women who frequented them. Upper class women also found ways to use them, as mentioned earlier in the case of chocolate coffeehouses. Other instances of upper class ladies entering coffeehouses included at auctions, particularly art auctions. In the London Gazette, Issue 2527, one Edward Millington offered separate accommodation for his female guests at the Barbados Coffeehouse: “conveniency of galleries is set apart for ladies and gentlewomen”. Although they weren’t necessarily sitting in the actual coffeehouse, certain arrangements were made for them to be there. This ties into the stereotype of female obsession with shopping at the time, as coffeehouse proprietors with auction houses within their establishments knew that affluent women were a key market to tap into.

 

Match-making

 

Women with some wealth also used coffeehouses for advertisement purposes, most notably for finding suitable husbands.

 

Figure 20. A screenshot from London's Coffee Houses by Antony Clayton, page 49. Originally found in Love, Marriage and Romance in Old London by C. J. S. Thompson, page 71.

 

Although this particular woman probably did not set foot in Chapter Coffeehouse herself, she did use it as a port of call for letters from prospective beaus. There are instances of other women and men doing the same, with some amusingly asking for the perfect woman: beautiful, rich, amiable, supportive, and so on. 

 

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Present Day

 

Although the coffeehouse as the English knew it in the eighteenth century isn’t around today, it can be argued that it still functions in a similar way in Turkey. The majority of coffeehouse visitors are men who enjoy meeting up to talk politics, play board games and drink tea or coffee. To bring this wiki entry round full circle, below is a clip from a well-known Turkish comedy soap, Çocuklar Duymasın (Don’t Let the Kids Hear), in which two characters propose to demonstrate how well they know English while sitting in a coffeehouse.

 

 

 

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Annotated Bibliography

 

Primary Sources

 

• A Dissertation upon Drunkenness. Published for T. Warner, 1727. ECCOII, https://historicaltexts.jisc.ac.uk/eccoii-1611502000

A 35 page complaint about the state of drunkenness and vice in London, as a result of the amount of public houses in the city. This "dissertation" was helpful in pointing out the proliferation of alcohol consumption in coffeehouses, not just taverns or inns, suggesting that although coffeehouses were places for sober conversation, it did not bar drunk and disorderly behaviour from occurring anyway. 

 

• "Advertisements and Notices." Tatler [1709], no. 179, 30 May-1 Jun. 1710. 17th and 18th Century Burney Collection, http://tinyurl.galegroup.com/tinyurl/6BH29X. Accessed 22 Mar. 2018.

• "Advertisements and Notices." Tatler [1709], no. 214, 19-22 Aug. 1710. 17th and 18th Century Burney Collection, http://tinyurl.galegroup.com/tinyurl/6BHBS9. Accessed 22 Mar. 2018

Both of these sources were similar in nature as both derived from the advertisement section of different editions of the Tatler. It was interesting to peruse these sections to discover what kinds of commodities were sold within coffeehouses. There were dozens more of a similar nature, highlighting a new, public landscape with which tradesmen and women could sell their wares. 

 

• Boswell, James. The Life of Samuel Johnson. Abridged by F. Thomas, 1792. ECCO, https://historicaltexts.jisc.ac.uk/ecco-0548300101. 

A comprehensive biography of Samuel Johnson's life by his close friend James Boswell. Largely considered important in the development of the modern biography, Boswell's account of Johnson's life was useful in my research because it contained a section on Johnson's first account of moving to London. This included a mention about coffeehouses, how much it generally costs to buy food and drink from them, and what basic meals were available, proving that, while food wasn't a staple at coffeehouses, they clearly did serve them.

 

• Campbell, R. The London Tradesman. Printed by T. Gardner, 1757. ECCO, https://historicaltexts.jisc.ac.uk/ecco-0157000100

An extensive study of the various trades available in London, covering around 80 or more occupations, including the "coffee-man". Like other sources I have used, this one was useful in pointing out what was sold in coffeehouses. The author likens the coffee-man to other public house proprietors, such as those running taverns and inns, suggesting that alcohol consumption was similar in all these places. This document was also interesting because it included a section for parents considering sending their children into apprenticeships, proving to be a kind of catalogue of all the occupational options out there.

 

• Centlivre, Susanna. “A Bold Stroke For a Wife”. The Broadview Anthology of Restoration & Early Eighteenth-Century Drama, ed. by J. Douglas Canfield, Broadview, 2001, pp. 903-943.

An eighteenth-century play with a heavy focus on the use of space, particularly public space. Alongside the depiction of public parks, many scenes also take place in taverns or coffee-houses, such as Jonathan's Coffee House. A useful source in determining what a contemporary playwright thought occurred in coffeehouses, as well as her own opinion of them. Particularly useful for opinions on stock brokering. 

 

• The Character of a coffee-house. Published by Jonathan Edwin, 1673. EEBO, https://historicaltexts.jisc.ac.uk/eebo-ocm12291664e

A five page long document, most useful for its front page summary of what can be found in a coffeehouse as well as its virtues as a cheap place of refreshment and entertainment.

 

• Congreve, William. The Way of the World. 2015. Gutenberg, http://www.gutenberg.org/files/1292/1292-h/1292-h.htm

Another play that features a coffeehouse scene, with the exception of it being a chocolate house instead. Provided an insightful glimpse into how the upper classes, particularly women, would have used such establishments. Some things that were revealed include: the presence of female maids; gambling; ordering drinks to go; the gentlewomen not actually setting foot inside the house. 

 

• Defoe, Daniel. The Complete English Tradesman. Printed for C. Rivington, vol. 1, 1732. ECCO, https://historicaltexts.jisc.ac.uk/ecco-1213402101.

Contained an account of Defoe's opinion of coffee-houses and "tea-table talk", arguing that they deprive people of morals and common decency. This source was most interesting for its insight into how the two spaces were conceived by Defoe. His paralleling of the two suggested that there were two equal spheres for the genders, a belief that seemed to have been prevalent among many at the time. 

 

• Dunton, John. The Night-Walker: or, Evening Rambles in Search After Lewd Women. Printed for James Orme, 1697, vol. 2. 

Useful in showing what some men of the eighteenth century thought of women who frequented coffeehouses, particularly showing the link between them and prostitution.

 

• Exchange-alley: or, the stock-jobber turn'd gentleman. Printed for T. Bickerton, 1720. ECCO, https://historicaltexts.jisc.ac.uk/ecco-0912200800

An amusing, farcical play showing how the stock market (which often took place in a coffeehouse) was perceived during the eighteenth century. It was clearly not approved of and this is most keenly seen in a satirical text such as this one. 

 

• Houghton, John. Husbandry and Trade Improv’d. Printed for Woodman and Lyon, vol. 1, 1728. ECCO, https://historicaltexts.jisc.ac.uk/ecco-1214500301.

Contains an elaborate description of how an exchange of stocks occur in a coffeehouse, particularly which coffeehouses (Jonathan's and Garaway's). 

 

• London Gazette, no. 2527, 27-30 Jan. 1690.

A particular article that suggested that even if women did inhabit coffeehouse spaces, they were separated from the main action and therefore weren't wholly accepted. Useful in revealing how gendered spaces worked in the eighteenth century

 

• Macaulay, Thomas Babington. History of England from the Accession of James II. Ed. Charles Harding Firth, vol. 1, Macmillan, 1913

A 17-year long period of history in England, this book was most useful for one specific mention that Macaulay made about coffeehouses and their function as a kind of postal service. I was looking for a way to prove that coffeehouses were central in navigating London's vast, urban streets and combined Macaulay's comment with Cowan's mention of using coffeehouses as mental map markers to show this.

 

• "News." London Gazette, no. 6784, 3-7 Jun. 1729. 17th and 18th Century Burney Collection, http://tinyurl.galegroup.com/tinyurl/67U3w1. Accessed 23 Mar. 2018.

When I was searching for the presence of "coffee-woman" in newspapers of the time, the London Gazette returned multiple results of lists of those who had been declared bankrupt, including several coffee-women. A handy source to show that the occupation was a recognised one.

 

• Sandys, George. A relation of a journey begun. Published by Richard Field for W Barrett, 1615. EEBO, https://historicaltexts.jisc.ac.uk/eebo-99856931e.

An earlier account of coffee and coffeehouses from Sandys' travels in Turkey. Provided a useful starting point to the Wiki for showing where the drink and the establishment had its origins. 

 

• Spectator [1711], no. XLIX, 26 Apr. 1711. 17th and 18th Century Burney Collection, http://tinyurl.galegroup.com/tinyurl/67jwH5. Accessed 22 Mar. 2018.

Due to the Spectator's observatory nature, comments about the certain characters found in coffeehouses abound in this periodical, particularly about the "tedious talker" persona.

 

• Spectator [1711], no. CLVI, 28 Aug. 1711. 17th and 18th Century Burney Collection, http://tinyurl.galegroup.com/tinyurl/6BpS65. Accessed 22 Mar. 2018.

The Spectator also encouraged many letters to be sent in, including from women. This particular account demonstrates how women were treated in coffeehouses by the men and shows why John Dunton might have thought it led most coffee-women into adultery or prostitution.

 

• Swift, Jonathan. The Conduct of the Allies. Robert Freebairn, 1772. ECCO, https://historicaltexts.jisc.ac.uk/ecco-0250304300. 

A book about Swift's condemnation of the British allies in the War of the Spanish Succession. Not necessarily useful in regards to coffeehouses overall, apart from Swift's comment about the echo of coffeehouses not equating with the voice of the kingdom. A comment I left out included the fact that coffeehouse visitors were more interested in their stocks than anything else.

 

• Tatler [1709], no. 264, 14-16 Dec. 1710. 17th and 18th Century Burney Collection, http://tinyurl.galegroup.com/tinyurl/5srMq4. Accessed 2 Feb. 2018.

An essay by Isaac Bickerstaff about the "tedious talker" character found in coffeehouses, particularly about those who speak about the news as if they understand it, but in reality have little understanding of it. I found this article by stumbling upon its response from a reader, first. The response is the source below: issue 268.

 

• Tatler [1709], no. 268, 23-26 Dec. 1710. 17th and 18th Century Burney Collection, http://tinyurl.galegroup.com/tinyurl/5srMq4. Accessed 2 Feb. 2018.

A response to Bickerstaff's tedious talker dilemma. The letter details how Lloyd's Coffee House already has a pulpit system in place that ensures one person reads the news out at once. The reader suggests implementing this system at other coffeehouses, as well as an "elbow" chair. This source suggests that the writer speaks for the whole of Lloyd's, suggesting the intellectual camaraderie fostered in coffeehouses.

 

• The Life and Character of Moll King. Printed for W. Price, 1747. ECCO, https://historicaltexts.jisc.ac.uk/ecco-0859100400

The Life and Character is a satirical biography about Moll King, one of the most notorious coffee-women at the time. I didn't use this source as much as I used The Velvet Coffee-Woman as they provided a similar overview of how these women were perceived. I was expecting a more accurate overview of her actual life, however, these sources didn't really provide it.

 

• The Velvet Coffee-Woman: or, the life, gallantries and amours of the late famous Mrs Anne Rochford. Printed for Simon Green, 1728. ECCO, https://historicaltexts.jisc.ac.uk/ecco-0080202600

Like The Life and Character, the Velvet Coffee-Woman didn't necessarily provide an accurate overview of Anne Rochford's true life. However, it was an interesting insight into how she was perceived and condemned, supporting John Dunton's view of coffee-women as brothel runners. 

 

• Watkinson, John. John Watkinson, grocer, tea-dealer, &c. next door to the coffee-house, in Newbrough, Scarbrough, sells the following articles at the lowest prices. 1750, ECCO. https://historicaltexts.jisc.ac.uk/ecco-1044503700.

A single page advertisement for the wares of John Watkinson, presumably from York. This source was useful because it suggested that coffee, tea, chocolate etc. wasn't just for coffeehouse owners, but for ordinary buyers to buy the drink at home. 

 

Images

 

Figure 1. 

Interior of a London coffee-house, Anonymous. British Museum Collection Online, http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=752544&partId=1&searchText=coffee-house&page=3 

 

Figure 2.

Drawing of a game of draughts in a coffeehouse by William Hogarth. British Museum Collection Online, http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=753019&partId=1&searchText=coffee-house&page=3

 

Figure 3.

Screenshot of a stand-alone advert thought to be published in York. See Watkinson in "Primary Sources"

 

Figure 4.

A screenshot of a section from The London Tradesman, 1757, page 281.

 

Figure 5.

A screenshot from Congreve's The Way of the World, Act I, Scene VII.

 

Figure 6.

"The Coffeehous Mob", Anon., 1711. British Museum Collection Online, http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=1477957&partId=1&searchText=coffee-house++mob&page=1

 

Figure 7.

"The Coffee House Politicians", Anon, 1733. British Museum Collection Online, http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=3072674&partId=1&searchText=coffee-house+politicians&page=1

 

Figure 8.

"A Rake's Progress, Plate 6", William Hogarth, 1735. British Museum Collection Online, http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=1421880&partId=1&searchText=rake%27s+progress+plate+6&page=1

 

Figure 9.

"The Rake's Rendez-Vous; or the Midnight revels wherein are delineated the various humours of Tom King's Coffee House in Covent Garden", George Bickham the Younger, 1735-1740. British Museum Collection Online, http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=1478115&partId=1&searchText=rake%27s+rendez&page=1

 

Figure 10.

"Trade card for E. Moore at the Newcastle Coffee House, St. Mary at Hill, London", Anon. British Museum Collection Online, http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=3409486&partId=1&searchText=coffee+house+trade+card&page=1

 

Figure 11.

"Trade card for City Coffee House, Bucklersbury, London", Anon. British Museum Collection Online, http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details/collection_image_gallery.aspx?assetId=1403449001&objectId=3409281&partId=1

 

Figure 12.

Screenshot of the "Advertisements and Notices" section of Issue 179 of the Tatler

 

Figure 13.

"Token for Jack's Coffee House", Anon, 1782. British Museum Collection Online, http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details/collection_image_gallery.aspx?assetId=763849001&objectId=82187&partId=1

 

Figure 14.

"Token for Richardson's Coffee House", Anon. 1793. British Museum Collection Online, http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details/collection_image_gallery.aspx?assetId=763811001&objectId=82206&partId=1

 

Figure 15.

"Jonathan's Coffee House or an Analysis of Change Alley With a Group of Characters from the Life - Inscribed to Jacob Henriques", 1763. British Museum Collection Online, http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=3078490&partId=1&searchText=coffee-house+jonathan%27s&page=1 

 

Figure 16

Screenshot from Husbandry and trade improv'd by John Houghton, page 264

 

Figure 17

 Screenshot from online edition of Exchange Alley, 1720

 

Figure 18

"Law and equity. Or a peep at Nando's", 1787. British Museum Collection Online, http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details/collection_image_gallery.aspx?assetId=85895001&objectId=1461137&partId=1

 

Figure 19

Screenshot of a poem from The velvet coffee-woman, page 37.

 

Figure 20

A screenshot from London's Coffee Houses by Antony Clayton, page 49

 

Secondary Sources

 

• Alexander, James Michael Brenner. The Economic and Social Structure of the City of London, C.1700. Dissertation, London School of Economics, 1989. EBSCO.

Provided me with the statistic about the estimated number of coffee-women around the turn of the eighteenth century. The high number suggested that taboos surrounding women in these spaces didn't deter women from running them.

 

• Berg, Maxine and Helen Clifford. “Selling Consumption in the Eighteenth Century”. Cultural and Social History, vol. 4, no. 2, 2015, pp. 145-170. 

Interesting look at trade cards as an early form of advertisement. Berg and Clifford provided the context I needed to understand how trade cards worked at the time.

 

• Clayton, Antony. London’s Coffee Houses. Historical Publications, 2003.

Comprehensive overview of coffeehouses in the eighteenth century. Clayton also split his book up into sections entitled "pleasure" and "business" when describing the coffeehouse's function, which I found especially helpful in structuring my own findings. Clayton also led me to a number of useful primary sources which I used to enrich my own discoveries. 

 

• "coffee-house, n." OED Online, Oxford University Press, January 2018, www.oed.com/view/Entry/35786. Accessed 23 March 2018.

The OED's mention of "entertainment" and "business" in the same definition proved that the coffeehouse of the eighteenth century wasn't meant for one thing, and reinforced why I felt it necessary to divide my Wiki into pleasure and business categories.

 

• Cowan, Brian. The Social Life of Coffee. Yale UP, 2005. 

Cowan provided a vast overview and background to coffee and the coffeehouse. He helped paint the picture of how coffeehouses were used in day to day life in eighteenth century England.

 

---. “What Was Masculine about the Public Sphere? Gender and the Coffeehouse Milieu in Post-Restoration England”. History Workshop Journal, no. 51, 2001, pp. 127–157. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/4289724.

Cowan also provided me with further information about the notion of gendered spaces in relation to the coffeehouse. His questioning of the public sphere as masculine motivated me to also question it, as I was intending to do, to show a more rounded picture of eighteenth century life at the time, and not one marginalised into dichotomous categories.

 

• Rickards, Maurice. Encyclopedia of Ephemera. Routledge, 2000.

I found this definition through Berg and Clifford and thought it was useful in providing further background on the trade cards, which needed explaining as they are not like the receipts of today. 

 

• Thompson, CJS. Love, Marriage and Romance in Old London. Heath Cranton Limited, 1936.

After finding the "seeking love" articles in Clayton, I was directed to this book by Thompson, although I couldn't actually track down a physical copy of the book. 

 

Video

 

• “Çocuklar duymasin 14 bölüm çayci hüseyin ingizilce konuşuyor”. YouTube, uploaded by Dizilerle Birlikte, 29 Oct 2017, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0qpB1naDDhM.