The Pianoforte

 

Introduction

 

The pianoforte was a highly fashionable instrument in the eighteenth century and an essential piece of household furniture in the nineteenth. It not only served to give an appearance of gentility to a household, but also enhanced the marriage prospects of accomplished young ladies. Yet there were certain proprieties to observe. It was commendable to have achieved a certain level of proficiency in piano-playing, but to treat music as more than an idle pursuit was to sink to the level of a professional pianist who gave lessons. The graph below indicates the increasing importance of the pianoforte in English writing 1700-1850. Around 1780, nearly twenty years after the first English pianofortes were made, the term “piano-forte” appeared in more than 500 documents, and was gradually replaced with “pianoforte” in the nineteenth century.  

 

Figure 1: Artemis graph illustrating the word frequencies of the terms "pianoforte" and "piano-forte" in English documents 1700-1850. 

 

In order to understand the pianoforte’s symbolic value, preexistent attitudes toward music must be examined. The association between marriageability and musical ability can be traced to early modern texts such as Robert Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy, published in 1621: 

 

A thing nevertheless frequently used, and part of a gentlewoman’s bringing up, to sing, dance, and play on the lute, or some such instrument, before she can say her paternoster, or ten commandments. ‘Tis the next way their parents think to get them husbands, they are compelled to learn . . . ‘tis a great allurement as it is often used, and many are undone by it. (quoted in Loesser 190)

 

The popularity of keyboard instruments also depended on their attractiveness as symbols of privilege and upper-class elegance. The harpsichord was able to survive the guitar fad of the late 1750s, and Rev Dr John Brown’s entry for Rees’s Cyclopædia, published serially from 1802 to 1820, provides an account of events:

 

About fifty years ago [the guitar’s] vogue was so great among all ranks of people, as nearly to break all the harpsichord and spinet makers, and indeed the harpsichord masters themselves. All the ladies disposed of their harpsichords at auction for one third of their price, or exchanged them for guitars; till old Kirkman, the harpsichord maker, after almost ruining himself with buying in his instruments, for better times, purchased likewise some cheap guitars and made a present of several to girls in milliners’ shops, and to ballad singers in the streets, whom he had taught to accompany themselves, with a few chords and triplets, which soon made the ladies ashamed of their frivolous and vulgar taste, and return to the harpsichord. (quoted in Loesser 218)

 

Kirkman’s success in saving his harpsichord business indicates that the ladies’ demand for harpsichords derives from a sense of distinction gained through higher forms of musical performance. While ladies took lessons from music masters, gentlemen of fashion hired musicians to play for them, as this image from “The Rake’s Progress” suggests: 

 

 

Figure 2: "The Levée" from "The Rake's Progress" by William Hogarth. 

 

In "The Levée", Tom Rakewell has recently taken new lodgings as a young gentleman of fashion, and among the visitors who have come to solicit business is a music master seated at a harpsichord on the far left, who is identified as Handel in Hogarth Moralized (19). The status of music masters will be further discussed in "Elegance and Social Mobility". The music score on the stand is titled “The Rape of the Sabines: A New Opera”, which reveals that opera tunes were played for private amusement. Though musical tastes changed over the eighteenth century, with an increasing preference for Scotch airs and Irish melodies, people continued to perform at private gatherings. This form of entertainment will be further discussed in the section titled “Duets and Opportunities for Socialisation”. 

 

The Arrival of the Pianoforte

 

The Oxford English Dictionary defines a pianoforte as “a large keyboard musical instrument in which strings are struck by rebounding hammers when the keys are depressed, with two or three pedals to regulate the volume, timbre, and duration of the sounds produced” (piano, n.2.). Rev Dr William Mason’s 1755 letter to Thomas Gray, author of Elegy Written in a Country Churchyard, contains one of the earliest references to the instrument: “Oh, Mr. Gray! I bought at Hamburg such a pianoforte and so cheap!” (quoted in Loesser 219). The first English pianofortes were made by Johannes Zumpe in the early 1760s, and the instrument made its “public debut” (220) at a performance of The Beggar’s Opera on 15 May, 1767. The pianoforte gained even more public attention when Bach, the famous German composer, played “the first pianoforte solo ever heard in an English concert” (221) on 2 June, 1768.

 

Pianofortes were highly fashionable commodities in the eighteenth century, as they were “associated with the Queen’s own music master, who [was also] the director of London’s most expensive nontheatrical musical events” (221). Important differences between the harpsichord and the pianoforte contributed to the lasting popularity of the latter instrument. The pianoforte had greater variance in tone compared to the harpsichord, which enabled a player to perform more expressive interpretations of musical pieces. The demand for pianofortes was also linked to its status as a luxury good: it was "expensive enough to be socially desirable", and "for a couple of decades it kept a proper flavor of foreignness" (218). Although the production of pianofortes increased rapidly and grand pianofortes arrived in the 1790s, the term “pianoforte” retained enough novelty to merit special attention in eighteenth-century Old Bailey records of pianoforte thefts, which mention “a musical instrument, called a piano forte” (Geast). This definition does not appear in early nineteenth-century records of pianoforte thefts, which suggests that it had become a familiar term after the arrival of cheaper, more compact pianofortes. However, this loss of novelty did not affect the pianoforte’s enduring popularity, as it was considered as an important symbol of social status, rather than a common household object.  

 

"Our New Grand Pianoforte": The Pianoforte as a Consumer Object

 

By 1824, Broadwood’s output had reached “an annual average of 1680” (235). This figure does not only reflect the efficiency of English pianoforte production, but also the great demand for pianofortes among different social classes. A Broadwood neat square pianoforte could be purchased for “£18 3s” (235), equivalent to £1,300 today, which made piano-playing an affordable indulgence for the lower middle class. The pianoforte became “a symbol of respectability” (236), and “[p]eople, musical or not, bought pianos just as people, religious or not, supported churches” (236). 

 

Figure 3: "Family Group" by James Millar, painted sometime between 1774-1780. 

 

In this family portrait, the master of the house leans against the pianoforte, which embodies the respectable status of the family. The cello beside the pianoforte provides further evidence of their fondness for music, despite the fact that the little girl may be a complete beginner. When Mrs Cole’s pianoforte is placed in this context, her decision to buy a grand pianoforte that she and her little girls are barely able to play is not merely a matter of conspicuous consumption. At a time when even the “[d]aughters of Mechanics” (236) would resent the lack of a pianoforte, the Coles' pianoforte is an important symbol of their respectable status and a “wis[h] to simulate the gentry” (234). The following section will give an overview of the options that would have been available to Mrs Cole when purchasing a pianoforte. 

 

Types of Pianofortes and Luxury Brands

 

Stodart, Broadwood and Longman & Broderip (later Clementi & Co) were three of the earliest and most renowned English pianoforte manufacturers. Stodart made an upright grand for the Prince of Wales, later George IV, and Longman became famous after 1798 when it was taken over by Muzio Clementi, one of the “greatest masters of the keyboard” (259) whom the young Beethoven tried to emulate. However, Broadwood’s was known for creating “a product that was unmatched anywhere in its day for strength, sonority and range” (227), and the section on Broadwood’s will discuss the significance of this brand in Emma. 

 

Matthew and William Stodart

 

William Stodart, the founder of the company, was a relative of Robert Stodart, one of Broadwood’s apprentices who invented a mechanism known as the “English grand action”. Stodart’s company was established in the 1790s and “became one of Broadwood’s substantial competitors” (248). Its most notable feat was taking out a patent for an upright grand pianoforte, which was designed for those who did not have the living space for a full grand. Loesser describes the upright grand as follows:

 

It was a regular grand piano set up vertically on a stand, but inserted into a rectangular cupboard. It had the regular up-striking grand action . . . [t]he instrument’s great curve was, naturally, preserved; but it was now inside the straight box. Between the true frame and the cupboard’s right wall an empty space was thus created, which the patentee planned to have divided by two horizontal shelves so as to form a bookcase. The entire structure could be opened or closed from the front by a couple of large doors. (248)

 

Thus, the upright grand served as a piece of furniture as well as a fully functional instrument, unlike a Beck pianoforte in 1775 which had “no recess for a player’s legs” (247) and could only be played in a standing position.   

 

 

Figures 4(a) and 4(b): An upright grand made by Stodart, dated 1809, and its internal structure. 

 

Stodart made pianofortes for the royal family, and each of their pianofortes bears the inscription "Wm. Stodart,/ Maker to Their Majesties and/ The Royal Family/ Golden Square/ London". The upright grand made for the Prince of Wales had “doors made of looking glass”, and reached the imposing height of “nine feet one inch” (248). Other pianoforte manufacturers such as Broadwood’s soon began to produce upright grands, which cost “about ten to fifteen per cent more” (249) than ordinary grand pianofortes. However, Stodart remained one of Broadwood’s major competitors during the nineteenth century, and Thackeray’s 1848 novel, Vanity Fair, features a Stodart pianoforte which is initially identified as a Broadwood. 

 

John Broadwood & Sons

 

In Emma, Frank Churchill sends Jane Fairfax a Broadwood square pianoforte, which is described as an “elegant looking instrument”. The Oxford edition includes a footnote that “[a] piano from Broadwood’s was truly the finest instrument money could buy” (398), not only in England, but on the Continent. Although other European countries had begun to manufacture pianofortes long before the first English Zumpe was made (the first French pianoforte appeared in 1700, the first German pianoforte in 1730), Broadwood’s important innovations led to the development of the English “grand” pianoforte, which outshone all other instruments in the 1790s. 

 

John Broadwood was a “twenty-nine-year-old cabinet maker” (224) when he was apprenticed to Shudi, a major English harpsichord manufacturer, in 1761. He married Shudi’s daughter Barbara and later became the sole proprietor of the business, which was to become “the most long-lived in the entire history of the pianoforte trade throughout the world” (224). Broadwood’s many innovations included the addition of an extra octave to the five-octave pianoforte, the invention of the English grand action, and the installation of two pedals which could be used to sustain a note or muffle its tone. As a result, the English grand pianoforte won international acclaim for its unmatched quality, and England became the “undisputed, un-approached leader” (235) in the pianoforte industry. Broadwood pianofortes were played by virtuoso pianists such as Hummel, Dussek and Haydn; in 1818, Beethoven wrote a thank-you letter to “[his] very dear friend” (148) Broadwood for sending him a grand pianoforte which had the unprecedented range of six and a half octaves. Another famous Broadwood pianoforte that cost £223 13s, equivalent to £20,040 today, was commissioned by Don Manuel de Godoy in 1796, who presented it to Queen Maria Louisa of Spain as a gift. Placed in this context, Frank Churchill’s gift to Jane Fairfax reflects the measure of his regard for her, and he pays a great compliment to Jane’s abilities as a musician when he sends her a pianoforte from a company whose instruments are played by Spanish royalty and great composers. 

 

Figure 5: Auction Notice in 1795, which mentions a Broadwood pianoforte. 

 

This 1795 auction notice indicates that the Broadwood pianoforte was a piece of household furniture placed in the parlour (see Furniture), where guests were received and entertained. Further information on parlour music will be provided in the section on music books. Boulton’s notice also uses the term “patent pianoforte”, which draws attention to the quality of the Broadwood pianoforte as a “genuine” article as well as the prestige of the company in the pianoforte industry. However, the 1821 price list of a musical firm in the United States reveals that a cabinet pianoforte (a later form of the upright grand designed for small homes) made by Clementi & Co. is more expensive than a six-and-a-half octave grand from Broadwood’s. This suggests that Broadwood’s pianofortes, though superior in quality to Clementi’s, were “not the preferred make in the United States” (459), and Broadwood faced serious competition from Clementi in export markets. 

 

Longman & Broderip, later Clementi & Co

 

Longman & Broderip was originally a music publishing firm and manufacturer of keyboard instruments, known for creating portable pianofortes which could be played in coaches while travelling. However, its catalogue reveals that the firm mainly sold music sheets for higher forms of musical performance, such as orchestral symphonies and piano sonatas, while parlour music performed in domestic settings usually consisted of Scotch airs and vocal duets. This led to the firm’s bankruptcy around 1798, and Muzio Clementi, who had invested in the firm since the early 1790s, took over the business, which was renamed Clementi & Co. 

 

Clementi’s decision to become a pianoforte manufacturer was associated with his social aspirations. From the experiences of fellow musicians and his own failure to marry a French heiress, he had learned that the only way to become a gentleman was to “handle money without having to handle goods” (262). Since a pianist who performed at concerts and gave lessons was placed on the same level as a “circus tumbler” or a “hairdresser”, Clementi gave up his career as a musician and became a silent partner of the company. Although he made suggestions for improvement in the mechanics of pianoforte production, he did not enter the showrooms in which his wares were displayed; his pupil John Field acted as a salesman and demonstrated the capabilities of instruments. Clementi himself travelled on the Continent and promoted the sales of his pianofortes in export markets such as Russia and Germany. Due to his artistic reputation and social connections, “Russian generals, bankers and musicians” (263) bought Clementi pianofortes. Clementi’s instruments were particularly well-received in the United States, and in 1821, a cabinet pianoforte from Clementi & Co was priced at $475 ($9776.34 in today’s terms) while a Broadwood mahogany grand cost $275 ($5659.99 today). The success of Clementi & Co enabled Clementi to return to England as a gentleman and marry an English lady. Now an established member of the landed gentry, he lived at his country estate in the “Vale of Evesham, Worcestershire” (265), and spent his time composing music. In his later years, Clementi described his own transformation as follows: “I am a young Italian, but an old Englishman.” (quoted in Loesser 265). 

 

Square Pianoforte

 

Figure 6: Square pianoforte made by John Broadwood & Sons, dated 1815. 

 

This Broadwood square serves as a model for Jane Fairfax’s instrument, and according to Broadwood’s 1815 price list, this type of pianoforte could be bought for £26 (£1680 in today’s terms). Square pianofortes, unlike the upright grand, did not have the wing shape belonging to grand pianofortes, which led to differences in tone and volume. The box shape of the square pianoforte also imposed other limitations, such as a reduced range of five and a half octaves and the absence of pedals. Therefore, square pianofortes were cheaper than the two types of grand pianofortes. 

 

Grand Pianoforte

 

Figure 7: Grand pianoforte made by John Broadwood & Sons, dated 1796. 

 

The horizontal grand was the standard model used by concert pianists, and only an individual with ample living space and wealth could afford to buy this luxury good. It not only had the “fullest length of string”, but was also equipped with “a sound-projecting lid that [could] be raised toward an audience” (477). The six-octave grand pianoforte had two pedals: the sustaining pedal was used to extend the length of a note, while the “soft” pedal “appl[ied] a piece of cloth to a portion of the strings” (224) to muffle the tone. Broadwood’s innovations shaped the design of the modern piano, which retains all of these features. The 1815 price list states that a Broadwood grand pianoforte cost £46 (equivalent to £2973 today), and “a countess or money lender whom Liszt or Thalberg might visit would prefer to have a piano . . . that the artists might consider worthy of themselves” (477). Similarly, Mrs Cole’s assertion that the pianoforte was bought for their neighbours to use reveals the Coles’s respect for Emma Woodhouse and Jane Fairfax, who will consider the instrument worthy of their social status and talents.  

 

Pianoforte Thefts in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Century

 

Old Bailey records of pianoforte thefts provide information on the prices of pianofortes and the hiring system. The 1796 records mention “a musical instrument called a pianoforte” (Gater), while the 1821 trial of Thomas Wood only refers to the instrument as “one piano-forte”. This suggests that the pianoforte was viewed as a novelty in the late eighteenth century before it became an essential piece of household furniture. 

 

There were two types of pianoforte thefts: those perpetrated by staff members of pianoforte manufacturers, and the abuse of the hiring system in the nineteenth century. The 1796 records reveal that smaller pianofortes became more affordable for low-end consumers in the late eighteenth century. By 1796, Longman & Broderip was on the verge of bankruptcy, and as the proprietors were winding up the business, Richard Geast, John Bates and William, all of whom were either employed by Longman or friends of employees, stole instruments from the warehouses in Fountain-court and Trinity-lane. Although Muzio Clementi is listed as one of the victims, he was only an investor at the time, and the prices of the pianofortes reflect the low status of Longman & Broderip before it was taken over by Clementi. For example, music-seller who bought a stolen instrument from Richard Geast considered six guineas a fair price for a square pianoforte:

 

[Geast] asked seven guineas; I agreed for six guineas; I told him, it [sic] Longate would step down in the morning, he might have the money as soon as he pleased; Geast came in the afternoon, and brought a receipt, as from Mr. Longate. (Produces it; it was read):

Received, February 20, 1796, of Mr. Phillips, the sum of 6l. 6s. for a piano forte.

Federick Longate.

It was a new one since the introduction of the grand piano fortes; the small ones have grown of less value. I thought I have a fair price for it. (Geast)

 

While a cabinet pianoforte (even smaller than a square) from Clementi & Co was more expensive than a Broadwood mahogany grand, a square made by Longman was valued at £6 6s (£508 today), about £3 more than an outdated harpsichord. This indicates that low-end consumers could buy smaller pianofortes or harpsichords from Longman, and the extreme poverty of Jane Fairfax is emphasised when she cannot even afford “the pitifullest old spinet”. The Thomas Wood trial in 1821 provides information on the hiring system, which was a cheap alternative to buying a pianoforte:

 

THOMAS WOOD was indicted for stealing, on the 26th of August , one piano-forte, value 34 l. , the goods of Samuel Chappel and Francis Tatton Latour .

SAMUEL CHAPPEL . I am in partnership with Francis Tatton Latour . We are music-sellers , and deal in musical instruments , and live in Bond-street . On the 26th of August, 1820, the prisoner came to our shop, he was a stranger; he gave his address as Thomas Wood , Esq., No. 22, Edward-street, Portman-square, and said he wanted a piano-forte for the use of his children or family, and desired a man might be sent to see it properly placed - he hired it at 25 s. a month, he asked the price; the price entered in the book was forty-five guineas, if he should determine to purchase it, but he hired it - I sent Barnet with it the same day; I had the instrument from Wilkinson, the maker, it was No. 1033. I knew the instrument again, I had paid 38 l. 17 s. for it; I never heard of it till a week ago; I sent several times after the prisoner, and heard of him through an examination at Union-hall.

Cross-examined by MR. ALLEY. Q. There was no period appointed for him to keep it - A. No; I keep printed circulars, stating, that if instruments are bought and paid for, within six months, no hire will be charged. Gentlemen frequently buy instruments after hiring them. He never gave me notice that he meant to purchase it. I never saw him after he hired it - he called twice within an hour or two on the day he hired it. (Wood)

 

According to Chappel’s statement, a pianoforte worth forty-five guineas could be hired at the rate of 25s per month (£107.20 today), which was an affordable option for those who could not buy a pianoforte. As long as the customer could pay the monthly fee, he could continue to extend the loan. However, individuals such as Thomas Wood abused the hiring system by selling or pawning their hired pianofortes. Old Bailey records of pianoforte thefts provide an understanding of the alternatives available for low-end consumers who wished to own a pianoforte, and the fact that Jane Fairfax is unable to spare 25s to hire a pianoforte or pay £3 for an outdated spinet indicates that she is wholly dependent on the charity of the Campbells. 

 

Music Sheets 

 

An understanding of eighteenth-century tastes in parlour music may be gained through reading music catalogues, and the contents of Thompson’s catalogues give an overview of the types of music played at social gatherings. In the eighteenth century, musical performance was associated with opportunities for socialisation, as Thompson’s Catalogue of New Music is headed by a list of twenty-four country dances, and his 1790 catalogue is a collection of duets for a wide variety of instruments.

 

Figure 8: Thompson's Catalogue of Duets and Songs, published in 1790. 

 

Figure 9: A Catalogue of New Music, published in 1789. 

 

Thompson’s duets include Scotch airs and Irish melodies such as “Farewel[l] to Lochaber” and “An Adieu to the Rocks of Lannow”, which reflects the popularity of “interestingly exotic” (208) songs during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. Scotch airs and Irish melodies are mentioned in Jane Austen’s novels: Jane Fairfax plays Robin Adair and receives a new set of Irish melodies, while Miss Bingley plays a lively Scotch air, after which Darcy questions Elizabeth whether she wishes to dance a reel (a dance associated with Scotland and Ireland). The inclusion of twenty-four country dances in A Catalogue of New Music reveals that dance tunes were also played at social gatherings, and Mrs Weston, Emma’s former governess, is described as the best country-dance player in England. Austen emphasises the importance of taste in music, since a young lady should provide entertainment by playing “little things which are generally acceptable” (Emma 178) instead of displaying her skill in performing difficult pieces. For example, Mary Bennet is criticised for her lack of taste and affected manner when she performs a long concerto, while Elizabeth’s popular songs “had been listened to with much more pleasure, though not play[ed] half so well” (26). This preference for light music is reflected in Thompson's selections, as all of the songs were sung at fashionable events held at "Theatres, Public Gardens, and all Places of Entertainment".  

 

 Courtship Gifts

 

In The Child of Providence, a novel published in 1792, the heroine receives music sheets from her suitor Henry, who plays the violin or the flute in accompaniment to her singing and playing. From this description, it can be inferred that Henry gives Augusta music sheets that are similar to the songs listed in Thompson’s catalogue of duets, which are adapted for a wide variety of instruments.  

 

Figure 10: An extract from The Child of Providence, in which Henry gives music sheets to Augusta as a courtship gift.   

 

Frank Churchill, like Henry, is a musical young man, as he has sung once or twice with Jane Fairfax at Weymouth. Apart from the Broadwood pianoforte, Frank Churchill also sends Jane Fairfax some sheet music: 

 

He took some music from a chair near the pianoforte, and turning to Emma, said, "Here is something quite new to me. Do you know it?—Cramer.—And here are a new set of Irish melodies. That, from such a quarter, one might expect. This was all sent with the instrument. Very thoughtful of Colonel Campbell, was not it?—He knew Miss Fairfax could have no music here. I honour that part of the attention particularly; it shews it to have been so thoroughly from the heart. Nothing hastily done; nothing incomplete. True affection only could have prompted it." (190-91)

 

Frank Churchill’s Irish melodies and Henry’s songs are types of music that may be performed by two singers or players, which suggests that the courtship gift of music sheets from a musical young man is an expression of his desire to perform a duet with his lover. In addition, Jane Fairfax’s performance of Robin Adair is associated with her memories of Weymouth, and the inclusion of this song in the sheet music sent to her becomes a secret message from Frank to Jane. It is interesting to note that Frank Churchill sends Jane Fairfax a pianoforte, as the presence of a pianoforte in a household was a symbol of the owner’s respectability and aspirations to gentility. Since Frank rescues his fiancée from social degradation by marrying her, the pianoforte represents a promise that he will provide the respectability that she needs and preserve her gentility. 

 

"They Sang Together Once More": Duets and Opportunities for Socialisation

 

Figure 11: "A Little Music or The Delights of Harmony", by Gillray, 1810.  

 

Gillray’s caricature and Thompson’s catalogue for duets present a wide range of possible instrument pairings, and musical performance is closely associated with opportunities for socialisation in Emma. For example, Mrs Weston, Frank Churchill, Emma and Harriet visit Miss Bates’s house to hear the new pianoforte. At the Coles’s private gathering, Frank sings duets with Jane and Emma. The large collection of vocal music in Thompson’s catalogues indicates that vocal duets were very popular, particularly Scotch airs and Irish melodies. Two couples in Gillray’s caricature are singing vocal duets, which also highlights the popularity of this type of music. In The Child of Providence, Henry often accompanies Augusta’s singing and playing with his violin or flute, which suggests that musical performance was an important form of social interaction between young unmarried men and women, as it allowed them to spend more time with each other without going beyond the bounds of propriety. When Emma and Frank are looking at music sheets together, they discuss their conjectures regarding the sender of Jane Fairfax’s pianoforte. This reveals that the act of choosing and reading music sheets enabled men and women to have private conversations which would not be noticed. 

 

Figure 12: "Comforts of Bath: The Music Master", by Thomas Rowlandson, 1798. 

 

As piano-playing was considered one of the “seductive arts” (121), there was anxiety concerning the propriety of girls receiving instruction from music masters. Priscilla Wakefield believed that girls should be taught by members of their own sex: “Are not the fascinating tones of music as dangerous as the graces of dancing, in exciting the tender emotions? Women only therefore, should be permitted to instruct the sex in these seductive arts” (quoted in Barker 121). Rowlandson’s caricature of the music master seducing the daughter (or young wife) of a visitor to Bath reflects these insecurities, and in The Child of Providence, Henry plays the role of a lascivious music master during one of his music sessions with Augusta when he exclaims that she “ must consent to take some tender [lessons] from [him]. [He] must teach [her] the first lesson, love” (173). These portrayals of music masters emphasise the seductive power of music, as well as the possibility that a young lady will fall in love with her social inferior. 

 

"She Plays Charmingly": Musical Ability and Female Attractiveness

 

In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, music was viewed as an important female accomplishment. Unlike shellwork or tracing silhouettes, “it could be shown off best while actually being accomplished” (268). In other words, playing the pianoforte required a certain level of mastery that was certain to excite admiration. A young lady’s marriage prospects (see Weddings) were enhanced by her accomplishments, as “[a] possible candidate for [her] hand was expected to feel pleased to ally himself with a family of . . . refinement” (268). Moreover, music was associated with tender emotions which could easily develop into love, as Colvill’s 1788 poem reveals: 

 

Colvill, Mr. (Robert), d. 1788 :  TO THE ELEGANT SERAPHINA, 
PERFORMING ON THE PIANO FORTE, AT A PRIVATE CONCERT. 

 

46  Say, warbling Philomel! 'mid thy beauteous train, 

47  What heart can hear unmov'd thy thrilling strain! 

48  Thy tender strains awake the soul of love, 

49  Thy music can the joys of saints improve; 

50  With charm divine, can kindle soft desire, 

51  Can sooth dull care, and set the soul on fire.

 

60  Oh! let me burn beneath thy Phoenix eye, 

61  And all the wiles of love and music try, 

62  Conceive the angel flame, Promæthean fire, 

63  And in sweet ravishments of love expire. (99)

 

This poem promotes the idea that music is the food of love, and the expressiveness of Seraphina’s playing “kindles soft desire”. Colvill compliments Seraphina on her appearance and her abilities as a musician, which is similar to Austen’s portrayal of Jane Fairfax as an elegant young lady who is an unusually talented musician. The link between female attractiveness and musical ability is also highlighted in Leighton’s painting, titled Courtship by the Piano. 

 

Figure 13: Courtship by the Piano, by Edmund Blair Leighton.  

 

In this painting, the young man listens attentively to the lady’s performance instead of playing an accompaniment, and judges her appearance as well as her performance. This is similar to Henry’s observation of Augusta’s movements as she plays the pianoforte. In The Child of Providence, Henry enjoys the opportunity of “fixing his eyes on her lovely face and form” (179), which suggests that he is not paying attention to the music. While the male listener enjoys gazing at the female pianist, Loesser states that Emma’s regret for the inferiority of her playing stems from a desire to gain male admiration: “the quantity and quality of masculine attention such as Jane had harvested might well be worth several hours and a half of keyboard exercise” (274-75). Therefore, female accomplishments were only a means of enhancing a lady’s personal charms, and novelists such as Maria Edgeworth and Jane Austen satirised women who gave up piano practice after marriage. 

 

 Despite Mrs Elton’s claim that she is “passionately fond” of music, she constantly complains that her responsibilities as a wife prevent her from practising on the pianoforte: 

 

 [M]arried women, you know -- there is a sad story against them, in general. They are but too apt to give up music."
"But you, who are so extremely fond of it -- there can be no danger, surely."
"I should hope not; but really when I look round among my acquaintance, I tremble. Selina has entirely given up music -- never touches the instrument -- though she played sweetly. And the same may be said of Mrs. Jeffereys -- Clara Partridge, that was -- and of the two Milmans, now Mrs. Bird and Mrs. James Cooper; and of more than I can enumerate. Upon my word it is enough to put one in a fright. I used to be quite angry with Selina; but really I begin to comprehend that a married woman has many things to call her attention. I believe I was half an hour this morning shut up with my housekeeper."
"But every thing of that kind," said Emma, "will soon be in so regular a train -- "
"Well," said Mrs. Elton, laughing, "we shall see."
Emma, finding her so determined upon neglecting her music, had nothing more to say. (217)

 

Mrs Elton’s pretensions to gentility reflect her vulgarity and lack of true artistry. She and the married women of her acquaintance give up their piano-playing immediately after marriage, which implies that they viewed piano-playing as nothing more than a female accomplishment which “render[ed] a girl a more valuable prize in the marriage gamble” (268). Maria Edgeworth’s 1801 novel Belinda depicts a similar situation when “Joddrell, who was no more ear than a post, went and married [a musical girl] because he had a mind to set up for a connoisseur in music” (42). His wife soon abandons her music, and her lack of enthusiasm is emphasised when she leaves her instruments in the keeping of a relative, who states that “she never could have had Joddrell without them” (126-27). In this passage, Edgeworth ridicules Joddrell, who wishes to appear less vulgar by becoming a connoisseur in music, but is unable to judge his wife’s musical ability. Thus, the social perception of piano-playing as a useful female accomplishment that enables a young lady to win male admiration and increase her perceived value in the marriage market is reflected in Belinda and Emma, which both expose the errors of linking female attractiveness to musical ability.   

 

Figure 14: Farmer Giles and his wife showing off their daughter Betty to their Neighbours on her return from School, etched by Gillray and designed by Braddyll, 1809. 

 

This caricature designed by Lt-Col Thomas Braddyll (British Museum) satirises Betty’s pretensions to accomplishments and her attempts to become a lady. There is an implied correlation between a young lady’s social status and her level of proficiency in piano-playing, as the lower-class Betty fails to win the admiration of her relatives, who are conversing amongst themselves instead of listening to the music. Braddyll’s status as a member of the gentry influences his depiction of the lower class, as Maria Edgeworth noted that 

 

[n]ow it is the practice in high life to undervalue and avoid as much as possible everything which descends to the inferior classes of society . . . . accomplishments have lost much of that value . . . since they have become common . . . . The higher classes in life, and those individuals who aim at distinction, now establish another species of monopoly, and secure to themselves a certain set of expensive masters in music, drawing, dancing, etc . . . . In a wealthy mercantile nation there is nothing which can be bought for money, that will long continue to be an envied distinction. (quoted in Loesser 283)

 

Braddyll’s caricature creates distinctions between lower-class ladies and gentlewomen of his own rank, and he undermines the accomplishments of those who do not have access to expensive masters. These distinctions also appear in Emma when Mrs Cole admits that her little girls “may never make anything” of their piano lessons, despite their parents’ ability to pay for tuition. Her little girls lack Jane Fairfax’s inherent elegance and the opportunity to receive an education from “first-rate masters” in London, both of which enable Jane to become a suitable marriage partner for an upper-class gentleman. 

 

Elegance and Social Mobility

 

In the eighteenth century, musicians were either “servants of the Church” or “servants of some prince, aristocrat, or lesser lord”, and “[m]any musicians doubled as valets” (Beales 90). Well-known musicians such as Handel and Thomas Roseingrave could not marry their lovers, as the girls’ parents felt that having a musician for a son-in-law would be a disgrace. As they could not afford to live a life of genteel idleness, professional musicians were viewed as “hirelings” if they gave lessons, and “fiddlers” if they gave public performances. 

 

The situation of Jane Fairfax may be compared with that of professional pianists who struggled to achieve upward mobility. The history of Clementi & Co provides an example of a musician’s successful transformation into a member of the English landed gentry. By becoming a businessman, Clementi managed to overcome the greatest difficulty that all professional pianists faced –– their status as hired musicians. In 1788, Newberry’s Familiar Letter Writer was published, in which the author asked the question: “[w]hat glory is it to a gentleman, even were he a fine performer, that he can strike a string, touch a key or sing a song, with the grace and command of an hired musician?” (quoted in Loesser 260). Jane Fairfax confronts the same problem when she is about to enter the “governess trade”, since Harriet declares that “if [Jane] does play so very well, you know, it is no more than she is obliged to do, because she will have to teach” (182). Once Jane Fairfax enters the “governess trade”, her inherent elegance and abilities as a pianist will denote her status as a hired musician. 

 

While male musicians such as Cramer and Clementi achieved upward mobility by establishing music publishing firms and pianoforte manufacturing companies, Jane Fairfax is unable to become a gentlewoman by setting up a business. Apart from marrying Frank Churchill, she has no other options, and her situation reveals the limitations imposed on female pianists.   

 

 

Annotated Bibliography

 

“April 1796, Trial of Richard Geast (t18960406-83).” Old Bailey Proceedings Online.  Web. 19 December 2014. 

-The trial of a piano tuner who stole several instruments from Longman & Broderip. The prices of smaller pianofortes listed in the Geast trial revealed that low-end consumers could purchase pianofortes at extremely affordable prices, and provided the context for Jane Fairfax’s poverty. 

  

“April 1796, Trial of Thomas Wood (t18211024-124).” Old Bailey Proceedings Online.  Web. 19 December 2014.

- This trial provides information on the hiring system in the nineteenth century. An individual could hire a pianoforte for as long as he wished at the rate of 25s a month, which is a cheap alternative to buying a pianoforte. 

 

Austen, Jane, James Kinsley, and Adela Pinch. Emma. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2008. Print.

- Jane Fairfax’s pianoforte is the main subject of discussion on this wiki page, and yields insight into the significance of the pianoforte as a courtship gift. 

 

Austen, Jane, and Vivien Jones. Pride and Prejudice. London: Penguin, 2003. Print.

-This novel provides information on eighteenth-century tastes in parlour music by contrasting the performances of Elizabeth Bennet and her sister Mary Bennet. 

 

Colville, Robert. "TO THE ELEGANT SERAPHINA, PERFORMING ON THE PIANO FORTE, AT A PRIVATE CONCERT." The Poetical Works. N.p.: n.p., 1789. 97-99. Literature Online. Web. 13 Mar. 2015.

- A poem which praises the female pianist’s ability to conquer her audience and awaken the soul of love. The seductive power of music is emphasised in this text. 

 

Edgeworth, Maria. Belinda. Cambridge: Chadwyck-Healey, 1999. Literature Online. Web. 13 Mar. 2015.

- A novel by Maria Edgeworth which contains a satirical description of Joddrell’s pretensions to gentility. The role of female accomplishments is highlighted in the text. 

 

Hogarth, William, and John Trusler. Hogarth Moralized. Being a Complete Edition of Hogarth's Works. London: Sold by S. Hooper and Mrs. Hogarth, 1768. Print.

- A text which has explanations for all of Hogarth's works. It provided footnotes for “The Levee” and identified all the portraits introduced in the image. 

 

Porter, H. L. The Child of Providence. Vol. I. London: Minerva, 1792.Historical Texts. Web. 13 Mar. 2015.

- This text mentions the courtship gift of music sheets, as well as duets between Augusta and Henry. It has helped me greatly in understanding duets as a form of social interaction between young unmarried men and women.  

 

 

Works Cited

 

List of Figures

Figure 1: Artemis graph illustrating the word frequencies of the terms "pianoforte" and "piano-forte" in English documents 1700-1850. Digital image. Artemis Primary Sources. Artemis, n.d. Web. 16 Dec. 2014.

Figure 2: Hogarth, William. "The Levée" from "The Rake's Progress" by William Hogarth. Digital image. Artstor Digital Library. Artstor, n.d. Web. 17 Dec. 2014. 

Figure 3: Millar, James. "Family Group" by James Millar, painted sometime between 1774-1780. Digital image. Artstor Digital Library. Artstor, n.d. Web. 17 Dec. 2014. 

Figures 4(a) and 4(b): An upright grand made by Stodart, dated 1809, and its internal structure. Digital image. Period Piano Company. Period Piano Company, n.d. Web. 16 Dec. 2014.  

Figure 5: Auction Notice in 1795, which mentions a Broadwood pianoforte. Historical Texts. Web. 13 Mar. 2015. 

Figure 6: Square pianoforte made by John Broadwood & Sons, dated 1815. Digital image. Period Piano Company. Period Piano Company, n.d. Web. 18 Dec. 2014. 

Figure 7: Winston, David. John Broadwood and Sons, London, Ca. 1815. Digital image. Period Piano Company. Period Piano Company, n.d. Web. 16 Dec. 2014. 

Figure 8: Thompson's Catalogue of Duets and Songs, published in 1790. Historical Texts. Web. 13 Mar. 2015. 

Figure 9: A Catalogue of New Music, published in 1789. Historical Texts. Web. 13 Mar. 2015.

Figure 10: Porter, H. L. The Child of Providence. Vol. I. London: Minerva, 1792.Historical Texts. Web. 13 Mar. 2015.

Figure 11: Gillray, James. "A Little Music or The Delights of Harmony", by Gillray, 1810. Digital image. Artstor Digital Library. Artstor, n.d. Web. 17 Dec. 2014. 

Figure 12: Rowlandson, Thomas. "Comforts of Bath: The Music Master", by Thomas Rowlandson, 1798. Digital image. Artstor Digital Library. Artstor, n.d. Web. 19 Dec. 2014. 

Figure 13: Leighton, Edmund Blair. Courtship by the Piano, by Edmund Blair Leighton. Digital image. Wikipedia. Web. 19 Dec. 2014. 

Figure 14: Gillray, James. Farmer Giles and his wife showing off their daughter Betty to their Neighbours on her return from School. Digital image. Artstor Digital Library. Artstor, n.d. Web. 17 Dec. 2014. 

 

 

Secondary Sources

 

Barker, Hannah, and Elaine Chalus. Gender in Eighteenth-century England: Roles, Representations, and Responsibilities. London: Addison Wesley Longman, 1997. Print.

 

Beales, Derek Edward Dawson. Enlightenment and Reform in 18th-century Europe. London: I.B. Tauris, 2005. Print.

 

Braddyll, Thomas. "Print Study / Drawing." British Museum. British Museum, n.d. Web. 13 Mar. 2015.

 

Loesser, Arthur. Men, Women and Pianos: A Social History. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1954. Print.

 

"piano, n.2." OED Online. Oxford University Press, December 2014. Web. 19 December 2014.